Grande-Bretagne: nos , , , ,. Hongrie: nos 89, , Pays-Bas: nos , , , , Pologne: n08 , , , , , ,. Roumanie: n08 , , , Russie: nos , , , , Slovaquie: nos , Constantinople: nos , Condon Matthew G. The Ruptures of the Other in Self-. Narratives, Chicago, Ph. Salzbourg, D. Jooss Elisabeth Hannelore, Raum und Religion. Eine theologische. Klinger Susanne, Analysen zu Status und Geltungsanspruch der historisch-kri-. Theol, D. Kohlhammer, Kowalik Krzysztof, Funkcja doswiadczenia w teologii.
Reedijk W. Taal en seksedifferentie. Voir aussi les nos 27, 74, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , 61 1, , Ancien Testament. Studien zur Ent- stehung der alttestamentlichen Urgeschichte, Munich, Evang. A Theological and Anthro-. Bail Ulrike, Die verzogene Sehnsucht hinkt an ihrem Ort. Eine Studie zu. The Identity of the.
A Literary-Historic Analysis ofEx. Barzilai Gabriel, Offhand Exegesis. Biberger Bernd, Unsere Voter und wir. Unterteilung von Geschichtsdar-. Borghino Angelo, Tra abbandono e amore eterno. La restaurazione di Sion. Eine Orien-. Eine rezeptionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung von Dan.
An Investigation. Critique des. Studien zur Dyna-. Untersuchungen zur Kompo-. BibL, S. Eine historisch-kritische. Fornara Roberto, La visione contraddetta. Profeterna, kontexterna, retoriken - en. Pro- phets, Contexts, Rhetoric. A Comparison between Amos and Malachi , p. Hebrew Narrative. Der Tun-Ergehen-Zusammen-. Una lectura de Si 2,, p.
Studio di alcuni interventi. Analecta biblica, , Rome, Pont. Istituto Biblico, , p. Green Deborah Ann, Soothing Odors. The Transformation ofScent in Ancient. Groenewald A. Psalm Hibbard James, Intertextuality in Isaiah The Reuse and Evocation of. Earlier Texts, p. Studium egse-. Jost Renate, Aus der Wildnis. Feministisch-exegetische Studien zum. Kim Jae-Ku, Chiasmus. The Redactional Structure of the Book ofGenesis,. Michael, Ph. Katastrophe von v. Kingsmill E. A Study in Biblical. Intertextuality, Oxford, Ph. Kirkpatrick Shane, Competing for Honor. A Social-Scientific Reading of.
Daniel , p. Uno studio ese-. Lang Martin, Gott und Gewalt in der Amosschrift, p. FZB, , Editer Verlag. Lawrence Jonathan, Washing in Water. Trajectories of Ritual Bathing in. The Method and Function. Lee Eun-Ae, Forschungsgeschichte der Diskussion um das apodiktische. Recht, p. Lumen Vitae, , 78 p. Psalm 16 und das Lebens- und Todes-. Marsman Hennie J. Their Social and Reli-. Untersuchungen zur Alt-. Forschung zum Alten Testament, 2. Reihe, 3 , Mohr Siebeck. Ragolia Danilo, La tradizione biblica del serpente di bronzo.
Studien zur Intertextua-. BZAW, , W.
- Keep on Keepin On.
- Dont Hitchhike.
- Donizetti: Vocal Collection for Low Voice!
De Gruyter, Exegetische und. Schlieringer Helmut, Psalm 8. Text - Gestalt - Bedeutung, p. Schorch Stefan, Die Vokale des Gesetzes. Die samaritanische Lesetra-. Analyse comparative des textes de Ex 15 et Ps 77 , p. Stavrakopoulou F. A Study. Untersuchungen zur Kom-. Der Feind Israels und der Feind Jahwe,. Berne, D. Ziese Mark S. Voir aussi les nos 86, 91, , , , , , With an Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, p.
Chepey S. Text, Translation and. Commentary, p. Text, Translation and Commentary, Leyde, Brill. Grushcow L. A Redac-. Landau T. Josephus' Rhetoric and the Herod. Transformations of. Morgenstern Matthias, Theater und zionistischer Mythos. Eine Studie zum. Rapp B. Untersuchungen zur Deutung der Liebe des. Schweitzer Erika, Untersuchungen zur theologischen Bedeutung in den.
David ben. Zimra, p. Wassen Cecilia, Women in the Damascus Document, p. Voir aussi les nos 16, 17, 22, 35, 38, 49, 50, 56, 64, 69, , , , , , , , , , , Nouveau Testament, christianisme primitif. Achandy Johnson, Christianiser une culture. A Comparative Investigation, p. Asano A. Bakker H. Ignatius ofAntioch and his Martyrological. Self-Concept, p. Tk, t. Bazzi Carlo, Muovere il Vangelo. Me la costruzione del discorso. Bewick James, Weisheitsspruche in the Fourth Gospel, p. Nachgeschichte eines neutestamentlichen Themas, Heidelberg, Hab. Uno studio esege-. Studien zu. Mt 5,, Tubingue, Evang.
Dochhorn Jan, Die Apokalypse des Mose. Dzik Marek, Chrystocentryzm relacji Ojciec-Syn i uczniowie-swiat w. Eckstein Peter, Gemeindebriefe. Die mittelplatonische. Foster G. Garbe Gernot, Der Hirte Israels. Eine Untersuchung zur Israeltheologie. Studien zur Literaturgeschichte des Urchristentums, p. Nuevas perspec-. Hakola Raimo, Identity Matters. John, the Jews and Jewishness, p.
Helsinki, D. Hoegen-Rohls Chiistina, Neuheit bei Paulus. Kommunikative Funktion. An Act. Johannesbriefen, p. Lang, Koch Michael, Drachenkampf und Sonnenfrau. Zur Funktion des Mythi-. Die Herausforderung eines prophetischen Christentums, p. Analisi biblico-teologica di Gv 17,10b nell'insieme dei capp. Langner Cordula, Pro-Existenz Jesu. Das Jesus-Bild Heinz Schurmanns. Glaubensziele der exegetischen Reflexion und Ausdruck seiner Jesus- Beziehung, p.
Wanderradikalismus und Limina-. Antike Konzepte der Haus-. Lehner Gerold, Allegorese im Kontext. Untersuchungen zu Funktion und. Herkunft der neutestamentlichen Allegorese in ihrem hermeneutischen und soziologischen Umfeld, p. Lupo Angela Maria, La sete, l'acqua, lo Spirito. Studio esegetico e teolo-. Makoboza Paul Lwanga, Mission in John An Exegetical-Theo-. Manini Filippo, Teodidatti. L'itinerario dei credenti nella prima lettera ai.
Tessalonicesi, p. Meczel Jacek, Vedere e comprendere. Le due guarigioni di un cieco. Metzdorf Christina, Die Tempelaktion Jesu. Patristische und historisch-. Metzger Paul, Katechon. Eine Untersuchung zu retardierenden Faktoren. Varsovie, D. Quarto Evangelho. Moertl Barbara, Die Schwiegermutter des Petrus. Die ekklesiale Kompe-. Eine feministisch-theologische Untersuchung, p. Eine predigtgeschichtliche Recherche, Hambourg, D. Texto y. Eine Studie. Nalewaj Aleksandra, F unkcja formai wyznania wiary w czwartej Ewange-. Nayak Ignatius B. Urbaniana, Teol.
Noffke Eric, La reazione intellettuale degli Ebrei e dei cristiani nel. I secolo d. Apg 4. An Authorial, Structural, and. Theological Investigation of the Cosmic Christology in Col , xxxrx p. Ro 14, El reino de Dios en las cartas de San Pablo, p. Rome, Urbaniana, Teol. Machterhaltung und der Umgang mit Provokateuren. Jahrhundert n. Rodrigues Lancy, Rom in the Context of Rom A Study of. Die Kontakte des Apostels zu. Eine Unter-. An Examination ofthe Evidence. Shim Woo-Jin, Kyrios im Johannesevangelium. Eine exegetische Untersu-.
Studio linguistico-teologico, p. Siwek Krzysztof, Ekspozycja chrystologii Janowej w mowie o chlebie zycia. J 6, Studium literacko-egzegetyczne L'exposition de la christolo- gie de S. Jean dans le sermon sur le Pain de vie [Jn 6,]. Soto Randall, Teologia del Pontifice Jesucristo. Die Falsifizierung einer Gleichung, Munich, Kath. Stare Mira, Durch ihn Leben. Die Lebensthematik in Joh 6, p.
Sturcke Henry, Entering the Rest of God. A Historical, Exegetical and. Szymik Stefan, Problem polemiki antyepikurejskiej w Pismach Nowego. Talaga Przemyslaw, L'amore verso Cristo, fondamento del ministerio. Thorsteinsson Runar, Paul 's Interlocutor in Romans 2. Function and. Identity in the Context of Ancient Epistolography, p. Coniectanea Biblica. Kor 5, ouf dem Hinter-. Zangenberg Jiirgen, Haus der Ewigkeit.
Zimmermann Ruben, Christologie der Bilder im Johannesevangelium. Zissler Karl, Mitarbeiterlinnen der Freude 2 Kor Biblische und. Voir aussi les nM 71, , , , , , , , Apetorgbor Nicholas Kwame, Tertullian. Die Rache Gottes und die Ver-. Bae Gill Soo, Prohairesis. Eine Askeseschrift des 4. Fontes Christiani.
Studien zu Text, kirchenpolitischer Bedeu- tung und Rezeption in der Karolingerzeit, p. Verso un. Kloos Kari, Preparing for the Vision ofGod. Zur Fru'hge-. A Fundamental Theology of. The Theopaschite Controversy, p. Mutschler Berhard, Irenaus - ein johanneischer Theologe?
Studien zum. Robertson J. Origenes, p. Die christlichen. Yeum Changseon, Die Synode von Alexandrien Die dogmenge-. Jahr- hundert, Marbourg, D. Voir aussi les nos , , , , , , , , , , , Battocchio Riccardo, Terni ecclesiologici in Marsilio da Padova.
Chadima Martin, Mistr Jan Hus. Jeho pojeti eklesiologie, predestinace,. Coulter D. Theological Method in Richard. Victor c. Crist Joan, St. A Translation and Commentary, p. Davis Stacy, This Strange Story. Forrest I. Jean Soreth Haselhof Gorge K. Studien zum Bild von Moses. Maimonides im lateinischen Westen vom Jahrhundert, p. Hoogland M.
Thomas Aquinas on Christ. Crucified and the Almightiness of God, p. Karn N. Princeton, Sem. Francis of Assisi, p. Kukkonen Taneli, Studies in Modality and Cosmology. Luuten F. Thomas Aqui-. Peltzer J. Plank Michael, Gotteswahrnehmung. Bonaventure and Taddeo Gaddi, p. Lyon, Tubingue, Evang. Rieger Reinhold, Contradictio. Theorien und Bewertungen des Wider-. Tudor D.
Le concept. Wanner Kevin J. Snorri Sturlson, the Edda,. Voir aussi les nos , , , , , , , , Ackermans J. Bisschoppen en priesters in de. Republiek Pasteurs et mercenaires. Bell M. Centa Claudio, Una dinastia episcopale nel cinquecento: Lorenzo. EccL, , Mezzadri L. Coles K. Women as Reformers, Writers, and Subjects in. Early Reformation England, Oxford, Ph. Beziehungen zum Schwedischen Reich, p. Neuoffenbarungsbewegungen am. Beispiel der Lorberbewegung. Eine Herausforderung fur Seelsorge, Beratung und Forschung, p.
Geluk C. Een theologische onderzoek naar de creati-. Hampton S. Hosselmann Roland, Wende zur kultischen Ontologie im Anliegen des. Eine kontroverstheologische Erinnerung an Hans Asmussen, p. Jackson J. Society, Politics and Religion, Oxford, Ph. Johann Jakob Fabricius. Ein Beitrag zu Konfessionalisierung und Sozialdiszipli- nierung im Luthertum des Jahrhunderts, p. Noth Isabelle, Radikalpietistischer Separatismus. Die Inspirationsgemein-. Eine Studie zur. Resistenza o adattamento? EccL, , Szilas L.
Die reformatons che. Studien zur Sprachwerdung des. Gesetzes bei Luther im Anschluss an die Disputation gegen die Antino- mer, p. Reunionsversuche zwi-. William Blake's. Wolff Jens, Metapher und Kreuz. Studien zu Luthers Christusbild, p. Voir aussi les nos 7, , , , , Aas Per Anders, Dannelse i krise. Klassik humanisme i mote med det. Winsnes, Formation in Crisis. Winsnes, , p. A Historical Study of. Brice B. Some Phi-. Conceptions ofGod, Free-.
Forschungsberichten: kommentierte Auswertung, Erlangen, D. Berdyaev , p. Die Konzeption der Heilsgeschichte bei Theo-. Grashof Johannes, Geschichte des evangelischen Kirchenkreises Glad-. En analyse. The Case of Buganda,. Kearns Kristen Kingfield, Love from Above. Analogy and Sexual. Pure Gospel Pentecostalism, Utrecht, Rijksuniv. Soc, , Bernai Restrepo S. Bischof Friedrich-Wilhelm Krum-. Mantei Simone, Nein und Ja zur Abtreibung.
Der Beitrag der evangeli-. Muller Juliane, Wiedergeburt und Heiligung. Die Bedeutung der Struktur. Ozawa-De Silva B. Protestant Church. Pop Ovidiu H. EccL, , Lewis M.
An Analysis of Her Diaries and Letters
Schmalz Oliver, Kirchenpolitik unter dem Vorzeichen des Volksnomos. Wilhelm Stapel im Dritten Reich, p. Leben und. Eine theologiegeschichtliche Untersuchung, Fribourg, D. Sengers E. Opkomst en. TheoL, Ph. Leonhard Goppelt Eine theologische Biographie, Erlangen, D. Development or.
Corruption, p. Stojanov Zoran, La Chiesa macedone cattolica del rito orientale tra le due. Tomko H. Gertrud von Le Fort and Catholic. Uram Jerzy, La ricezione del pensiero di Karl Barth nella teologia. Schriftleer en schriftgebruik bij. Kuyper, H. Bavink en G.
Berkhouwer Bible et dogmatique. Bavink et G. Berkhouwer , p. A Source Publication , lx p. EccL, , Gonzalez Fernandez F. Fontes Pragenses, 32 , Brumm, Lubos Marek. Vollmer Reinhard, Rechtfertigung und Gebet. Zur anthropologischen. Winkler Kerstin, Mutterhausdiakonie undfreie Hilfsschwestern.
Eine his-. Jahrhundert, Bethel, D. Wright L. Voir aussi les nos 99, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , Katzinger Gerlinde, Das kirchliche Bauwesen im Spannungsfeld von. Dora Jungin liturgisten tekstiilien viesti. Maiestas Domini. Simijonovic Miroslav, Das Licht in der byzantinischen Mystik und. Storia topogra-. Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana. Soc, , White R. Voir aussi les nos 96, , , , , , , , , , , Histoire de la liturgie. Bot Richard, Zingt allen mee: 65 jaar liturgische en kerkmuzikale bewe-. Emlek Idris, Die Mysterienfeier der ostsyrischen Kirche im 9.
Getcha Job Dior W. Hanke Gregor M. Die Kirchenlieder. Kohle Maria, Das paderborner Gesangbuch Gesangbuch Westfalens und sein gottesdienstlicher Gebrauch im Dienst der katholischen Reform, p. MojzeS Marcel, Analisi metodologica di alcune tendenze e tentativi per. Syczewski Tadeusz, Zwyczaje, obrzedy, wierzenia okresu Adwentu i. Jahrhundert , p. Mystical, p. Voir aussi les nos , , , Einheit Gottes. Guglielmi Donald A. The Spiritual Maternity of Catherine De. Hueck Doherty, p. Kawanaka P. Die trinitarisch-christozen-. The Pro-. Rutten M. Voir aussi les nos , , , , , , , , , , , , , Histoire des missions.
Ahonen Tiina, Transformation through Compassionate Mission. David J. Bosch' s Theology of Contextualisation, p. The Ambiguities of Ecumenicity and Denominationalism, p. Ecc, , Lopez-Gay J. Ostafrikanische Religionen. Kabwtta Kabolo I. Leopold Beccaro of St. O Flynn T. QajarPersia, , Oxford, Ph. Histoire des religions. Rome, Latran, D. Douglas W. Faultless J.
Hindu Nadi Astrology, p. Lund Studies in History of Religions, Emil L. Gold Jonathan Charles, Intellectual Gatekeeper. Sa-skya Pandita Envi-. Janson Torsten, Your Cradle is Green. The Islande Foundation and the. Call to Islam in Children's Literature, p. A His-. Divine Star, p. A Comparison of. Indian Orthodox Church, Erlangen, D. Sasson Vanessa, Telling Birth Stories. A Comparative Analysis ofthe Birth. Tanemura R. Vos N. Scripture and Ascetic Change in Early. Christian Vitae, Utrecht, Rijksuniv. Doktryna i organizacja. Siddha Medi-. Voir aussi les nos , , , , , , , , , Bressan Luca, La parrocchia oggi.
Gli interrogativi e le sfide che la sua. Cislaghi Gabriele, Per una ecclesiologia pneumatologica. Il Concilio. Igbo Church. TheoL, D. La presencia del tema. Koskela Douglas M. I ministeri nella Chiesa. Manole Nicolae, Ekklesiologische Perspektiven zwischen den orthodoxen. Eine Untersuchung zu den. Podstawy eklezjologii.
Spezia Robert R. A Hermeneutical. Key, p. Yap J. Chia E. Schillebeeckx's Method as a. Decaro Marino, La nozione di Chiesa-sacramento nel dialogo cattolico-. Frederiks M. Christianity in the Gambia,. Haikarainen Raine, Informaatiosta kommunikaatioon Front Information. Ecumenical Discussion on Communication, , p. Die Bedeutung. Kronenburg J. Dialog im Jahrhundert, Francfort, Sankt Georgen, D. Chancen katholisch-. Niem Jean Nestor, L'eucharistie comme centre de convergence dans la. Humankind towards Historical Fulfillment. Voir aussi les nos , , , , , , , , , , , , ,,,,, Schrift im Katho-.
Jahrhunderts, ZS1 p. Voir aussi les nos 37, 46, 77, , , , , , , Dogmatique : Dieu, le salut, l'homme. Algner Caren, Kirchliche Dogmatik im Vollzug. Karl Barths Kampf um. La percezione contempla-. McGill, Ph. BernyS Mariusz, Milosierdzie jako najwiekszy przymiot Boga w pisamch. Carvajal Blanco Juan Carlos, Logica de la existencia y logica de la fe.
Su correspondencia en H. Bouillard, p. Connolly Sean, Inklings ofHeaven. Examining Eschatology and Related. Imagery in the Writings of C. Lewis, Rome, Angelicum, D. Crutcher Timothy, The Crucible ofLife. Wesley's Theological Method, p. Delameillieire Eddy, The Concept of Ignorance.
A Kierkegaardian. The Nature of Catholicism in the. Theology of Avery Dulles, lxtv p. A Theological Research, p. Kontextuelle Studien zur. Never before has the world needed such a strong Europe at this moment, and it needs guidelines for good trade. CETA is like a lighthouse for these guidelines, for many who are searching for wealth and trade. Please do not switch off this light. Vote for CETA.
Charles Tannock, rapporteur. For example, there are two extracts from the SPA that, to my mind, sum up exactly what this is all about and what it stands for. I think these two passages sum it all up, illustrating exactly what the SPA and CETA are all about, namely ambitious, free-trade, liberal multilateralism. Whilst my main area of concern, as rapporteur, is the SPA, it is important that we consider this alongside CETA and the wider international political climate in which we now find ourselves. Whether we look to the election of President Donald Trump in the United States or, in my personal view, the regrettable decision of my country, the United Kingdom, to leave the European Union, or the rise of populist, protectionist parties across Europe, it is clear that the merits of free trade, multilateralism and the liberal international world order are, unfortunately, being questioned by many, and we must stand up and fight for them.
Such questions can be answered only by concrete results. This means increasing trade, creating economic growth, providing jobs and creating a safe and secure world. To focus on some of the main headlines of the SPA in the areas where coordination of efforts is envisaged, I will take a few areas of particular interest.
Preventing nuclear proliferation; ensuring the effective working of the International Criminal Court, now increasingly challenged; strengthening counterterrorism efforts and combating the financing of international terrorism; enforcing consumer protection; fighting the trade in illicit drugs; tackling cybercrime; and discussing the High North Arctic Strategy, increasingly threatened by an expansionist Russia — these are just a few examples of what is envisaged in the SPA. Much of what we see in the SPA is, in fact, the development of long—standing links and coordination.
I am proud to say that marks the 40th anniversary of the initial political agreement between Canada and the European Union, all the way back to , a testament to the long and enduring links between the two sides. It was only a year later that, as a student, I found myself living for several months, in , in Canada and appreciating at first hand the strong bonds and common culture that bind us together. Furthermore, the visa liberalisation agreement, in place since , will now be completed and extended to the entire European Union, as agreed.
Although the United Kingdom is, unfortunately, leaving the European Union, Malta and Cyprus will still provide an important Commonwealth link. To conclude, the SPA comes at a time of increasing scepticism about free trade and multilateralism among certain elements of the political class and voters. Se sono flessibile in occasione di certi dibattiti nei confronti di alcuni parlamentari, lo sono anche nei confronti degli altri. With Canada, we share the democratic values of openness and tolerance.
We cooperate in tackling common challenges such as migration, sustainable development, climate change and terrorism. The two agreements that we are discussing here today — the free trade agreement CETA and the Strategic Partnership Agreement — together offer an opportunity to upgrade our EU—Canada relationship. Those agreements strengthen both our economic relations and our geopolitical alliance, reflecting our partnership, which is both unique and distinctive, making that partnership deeper and more powerful, reaffirming our fundamental values and political principles and using them to shape globalisation, with an institutional framework that allows for deeper exchange, to help each side serve its citizens in the 21st Century.
CETA helps those companies in many ways. It removes almost all tariffs from day one. It also cuts red tape, the lengthy customs and duplicative certification procedures which small businesses can ill afford. It opens up markets in services and public procurement on all levels, and it protects over of the most traded geographical indications, helping European farmers sell more of their high—quality products in Canada. Trade policy is about opening markets, but it is also about our values, so CETA is a progressive agreement with a progressive partner, upholding our standards and protecting our sensitivities.
In particular, decision—making in the CETA joint committee cannot circumvent or derogate from EU Treaty requirements, particularly the role of the EU institutions in making policy. CETA will not change food safety standards or any other EU requirements; only the EU institutions can do that, and Member States may also adopt relevant legislation for that.
The Commission will fully abide by EU internal processes, as defined by the Treaties, before taking any position in the CETA committee, and there can be no doubt that the role of this Parliament will be both fully respected and your contribution is also welcomed. Your role here has been critical in shaping the new investment court system. As you know, with Canada we are right now working on the international scene to promote the idea of a multilateral investment court.
CETA is a modern, new kind of agreement, promoting our values of free, fair and sustainable trade. Canada and the EU pledge to effectively implement major international agreements on labour and the environment. These provisions are ambitious, but they are also binding and legally enforceable, and they are having an effect: Canada is on the path to ratify the last outstanding core labour convention on collective bargaining. The agreement contains a mechanism to review these provisions, notably on enforcement, and I commit, as I have written to you in letters, to set in motion this review mechanism soon after CETA is provisionally applied.
To feed into this review, I intend to open a broad and inclusive debate on sustainable development provisions in our free trade agreements, involving all stakeholders, including of course this Parliament. The Strategic Partnership Agreement accompanies and complements CETA, reinforcing our partnership, deepening contacts and coordination in areas like foreign security and defence policy, migration, counterterrorism, human rights, sustainable development and climate change — areas where we can work, and where we are already working together, to make life better for our citizens and promote a progressive international agenda rooted in our principles.
Honourable Members, we are at a time where many stand against what the EU stands for — openness, international cooperation, freedom to trade, etc. Against those trends, we have the chance to work with like-minded partners to show that protectionism does not work: that putting up barriers and building walls is not the answer.
Good, efficient fair trade agreements with like-minded partners are the answer, and we have this opportunity today by consenting to the two agreements. I would like to end by thanking the rapporteur, Mr Pabriks, and of course Mr Tannock on the Strategic Partnership Agreement, the shadows, and many more who have worked for a long time on this agreement. I am looking forward to the debate, and hopefully a successful vote. Thank you very much. Charles Tannock, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
I hope that eventually comes to fruition. There is also the creation of a Joint Ministerial Council and Joint Consultative Council for the first time, which will enable senior policymakers on both sides of the Atlantic to exchange ideas. On how to mitigate the effects of climate change, Canada and the European Union will have to look at this very carefully, particularly with the risk of the melting of the ice sheets in the High North and the increased migratory pressures from Sub—Saharan Africa impacting on the EU with climate change, a very important common shared challenge.
Lastly, the SPA and CETA will become the model for the European Union to conduct future advanced close trade and political relations with third—country partners, including, in all probability, the so-called bespoke deal with the European Union currently envisaged with the UK and the British Government after Brexit. So let us hope that this is a successful model, so that the UK itself can negotiate something similar after Brexit.
The Committee found, however, that the agreement seriously fails and falls short on all three scores. Real world models and assessments indicate no more than a 0. Income gaps are projected to widen between skilled and unskilled workers. There is no single chapter with specific measures in favour of SMEs, and finally, the privileged status of investors under the Investment Court System stands in stark contrast to the mere consultations envisaged for protecting labour interests and rights.
Bart Staes, Rapporteur voor advies van de Commissie milieubeheer, volksgezondheid en voedselveiligheid. Als rapporteur probeerde ik op een eerlijke, maar kritische manier CETA te evalueren. Ik nam daarbij als uitgangspunt onze resolutie van april over TTIP. En mijn inziens voldoet CETA op vier voorwaarden niet. Twee, de regelgevende samenwerking, die weliswaar vrijwillig is, is niet beperkt tot welbepaalde sectoren waar de EU en Canada een gelijk beschermingsniveau hebben.
Drie, CETA bevat bepalingen over publieke en sociale diensten die de beslissingsruimte van de lidstaten aantasten. Vier, CETA bevat bepalingen die onze ggo-wetgeving op termijn ondermijnt. Daarenboven is er het ICS-arbitragemechanisme, dat zorgt voor een parallelle jurisdictie voor buitenlandse investeerders, waarbij de soevereiniteit van lidstaten wordt aangetast. Verder uitte ik als rapporteur bezorgdheid over de bepalingen inzake chemischemiddelenwetgeving, de negatieve lijst inzake publieke en sociale diensten, de ondermijning van de standaarden inzake pesticidenresidus, de regelgeving inzake hormoonverstoorders, de bedreiging van de riek-tot-vorkaanpak in de voedselveiligheid en de kwalijke bepalingen met invloed op ons klimaat- en energiebeleid.
Een overgrote meerderheid van collega's in de ENVI-Commissie had daar geen oren naar, ondanks de bezwaren van miljoenen burgers. Ik moet u dus als rapporteur aanbevelen CETA goed te keuren, zelf zal ik wellicht tegenstemmen. Passiamo ora agli interventi a nome dei gruppi. Weber per il Partito popolare europeo. Sie wird sagen, dass sie Kanada ablehnt. Sie wird sagen, dass sie Australien ablehnt.
Sie wird sagen, dass sie Neuseeland ablehnt. Ich sage dazu: Diese Modelle gab es ja bereits. Das sind Fakten. Wir als EVP glauben weiter an die Fakten.
Das ist ein tolles Abkommen, das Sie uns heute vorgelegt haben. Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Und Gianni, da muss ich leider Gottes feststellen, dass die sozialdemokratische Fraktion zutiefst gespalten ist. Die sozialdemokratische Fraktion kann keine Orientierung geben, wie es in Europa weitergeht. Zu guter Letzt zwei kurze Punkte. Das eine ist der Entscheidungsprozess. Er will Mauern bauen.
Il mio gruppo chiede rispetto. Noi non siamo una caserma e non lo saremo mai. Noi non siamo tra costoro. Trump ha approfittato di una visione ingenua della globalizzazione. Gli accordi commerciali sono pensati solo per interessi di grandi imprese. Contro questa visione della globalizzazione i nostri elettori si stanno rivoltando.
Noi sosteniamo il CETA in quanto parte di una presa di coscienza che serve una nuova politica commerciale. Ci va dato atto che in questi mesi ci siamo impegnati per migliorare il CETA e anche grazie al nostro lavoro oggi abbiamo un accordo migliore del passato. Ringrazio il Premier Trudeau, che sappiamo essere con noi in questa battaglia contro i virus del populismo e dell'isolazionismo.
Vogliamo cambiare questa globalizzazione, non vogliamo subirla. It is about new jobs created by Polish fruit exporters or Italian tie makers facing lower barriers to selling their products in Canada, it is about cheaper prices and more choice for consumers, and it is about allowing our small businesses to bid for public procurement contracts in Canada.
My ECR Group supports CETA and other trade agreements because international trade is between willing sellers in one country and willing buyers in another country.
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- Table of contents.
- What Can A Single Person Do?;
Opponents of international trade will often highlight the losses, but they fail to point to the often larger gains which are dispersed across a nation or across international borders. I am not saying that we should ignore these legitimate concerns. We should encourage lifelong learning programmes for workers in declining companies and sectors to retrain for new roles in the face of globalisation and new technology.
We should address the concerns of both Canadians and citizens of EU countries who accuse each other of having lower environmental and labour standards. Both cannot be right. And we should also remind the anti-capitalists over there, and the anti-globalisation movement over here, that they are in fact the true friends of the multinationals, for it is often the multinationals with their armies of lawyers and lobbyists who call for, or shape, the regulatory barriers which keep smaller businesses confined to their local markets.
So the ECR Group will vote for CETA, as an opportunity to show the world that the EU is open for business, an opportunity for small businesses to create more jobs and opportunities for everyone, not just a privileged few or the large multinationals, to benefit from open trade. We support CETA. We wilden garanties dat hoge standaarden milieu, mens en consument beschermen en we kregen die.
We drongen aan op drastische hervorming van investeringsbeschermingen en we zien dat een nieuw model veel beter werkt en dat Canada dit integraal omarmde. We realiseerden een einde aan bureaucratische rompslomp voor kleine, maar ook grote bedrijven. We hebben ingezoomd op elk detail om de vele vragen, verzoeken, zorgen en wensen van maatschappelijke organisaties, van bedrijven, experts en burgers recht te doen. Maar laten we ook uitzoomen en de context waarin we vandaag stemmen helder voor ogen houden.
Maar juist nu moeten wij dit moment aangrijpen om door te werken aan een ambitieuze handelsagenda, diepgeworteld in de waarden die we allemaal koesteren. We kunnen ons geen betere partner voorstellen dan de Canadezen, het meest Europese land buiten de Unie, zeker onder leiding van premier Trudeau. Terwijl wij Canada bezochten met de internationale handelscommissie, werd Brussel getroffen door de walgelijke terroristische aanslagen en ik zal de massale steun van de Canadezen nooit vergeten.
Hele ijshockeystadions vol. Dit bevestigt slechts dat onze bondgenootschap niet alleen diep in de geschiedenis verankerd is, maar vandaag nog zeer persoonlijk ervaren wordt en zeker toekomstbestendig is. Maar het resultaat mag er zijn. Maar met vrienden maak je niet een dergelijk slecht verdrag, gebaseerd op wantrouwen en ten koste van heel veel mensen. Ik maak me oprecht grote zorgen over dit verdrag. Het is een verdrag dat ervan uitgaat dat elke regel die de handel beperkt een verkeerde regel is, die geschrapt moet worden en daardoor staan de regels voor voedselveiligheid onder druk.
Onze volksgezondheid wordt bedreigd, milieubescherming staat op de helling en ook onze autonomie op het gebied van regelgeving staan onder druk. We leveren ons uit aan multinationals. Daarmee verzwakken we niet alleen onze rechtsstaat, we zetten ook onze democratie op het spel. Dat is niet alleen mijn mening. Het is ook wat we hebben gehoord van rechters, juristen en advocaten, van vakbonden, consumentenorganisaties en belangenvereniging voor het midden- en kleinbedrijf, van boeren, natuurbeschermers en milieuorganisaties, van ngo's, die onderzoek hebben gedaan naar geldstromen, naar transparantie en ontwikkelingssamenwerking.
CETA is een bedreiging voor ons allemaal en ik begrijp de liberalen niet dat ze de democratie en de rechtsstaat laten ondergraven. Ik snap de EPP niet dat ze de boeren en het midden- en kleinbedrijf laat verkommeren. CETA is een slecht verdrag. Het is alleen maar goed voor multinationals en daar zijn wij niet door verkozen. Wij zijn verkozen door de miljoenen mensen die ons vragen hun belangen te verdedigen.
People before profit. Stop CETA. Je voudrais vous rappeler, Monsieur Weber, que M. Or, M. Gli europei se lo troveranno a tavola. Una vergognosa giustizia privata a cui avranno accesso anche tre quarti delle imprese americane che operano in Europa, triangolando le azioni legali tramite le loro filiali in Canada. Tutto questo senza nessun, ripeto nessun, controllo democratico. Quand les peuples comprendront tous ces mensonges, ils ne vous feront plus jamais confiance.
Daniel Caspary PPE. Warum tun wir das? Wir tun das, weil Globalisierung stattfindet. Wir nehmen aber auch wahr: Viele Menschen haben Sorgen. Sie haben Sorgen um ihre Zukunft. We have voiced concerns, demanded changes and achieved most of those already on the occasion of what was effectively the second conclusion of the negotiations in February In the past year, we have also contributed to, and closely scrutinised and debated, what became the new CETA package submitted to the European Parliament for consent today.
CETA is not perfect, far from it, but it is an important step in the right direction: a more progressive trade policy where the benefits are widely spread among all citizens. This is because most of us believe CETA is good for our economy, particularly for SMEs, and it does not threaten our choices, values or laws. But it is also an act of trust and an offer of partnership towards the EU institutions, notably the Commission and the Council, with which we want to work together for a better trade policy, and towards Canada, which is a country that shares our values, our objectives and our hopes for a better future.
This includes the best-ever services deal and it will also give European companies access to Canadian procurement markets for the first time. In addition, it contains mutual recognition of professional qualifications for midwives, architects, lawyers and doctors, but there is no free movement and no access fees payable either way. It would make a very good template for Britain. It has, however, taken too long seven years to get to this point.
Two years were wasted on EU human rights demands, and another two years on the question of investor disputes, with the unacceptable Investor-State Dispute Settlement ISDS system being replaced by the better Investment Court system. The EU must reflect on the time it takes to get agreements with any major trading partner negotiated if they are going to be taken seriously in future. If CETA fails, any credibility the EU has in negotiation will be lost, including with Britain, so this is a vital vote from all our perspectives.
The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 8. It actually reduces the cost of food, for example seafood and meat coming from Canada. That is good for the poorest people in Europe. So that is what these free trade agreements are about. It is good for jobs, our ability to sell services to Canada, and to break into provincial government in Canada.
So it is a good deal. Marek Jurek ECR , pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. Was there a problem with the English booth and could we have a translation of the question please? Could I get some guidance from the booths as to whether they heard the question or do I need to repeat it? I want to say to them: you have achieved, at least, reforms, even though we think they are far from enough, and you have ensured a Europe-wide debate on trade.
This is a big achievement, and without you we would never have got that far. It is an agreement of the very old sort. But anyway, if the idea is that we like CETA because Canada is nice, then we should all be aware that the Commission is negotiating on many fronts, with many countries. So who are colleagues then willing to reject because they are less nice? I think we need cooperation with countries, especially with nice countries like Canada, and we need to trade and not just for the maple syrup.
But we need to do it differently. Trade needs to be good for workers and employees, for consumers, for small-scale enterprises, for society as a whole, and not just for the super-big companies. And agreements need to set good standards, and — especially in these times — we need to work together for climate change, as this is our last chance to uphold international law because it is being challenged.
But no matter how the vote goes today, this is only the beginning of a struggle for fair trade and good cooperation, and we are ready for it. That is why investors should have exactly the same rights as people and also be able to claim those rights before the courts — courts that we can all go to, but not special courts where only investors can go, because investors have rights but they should have not have more rights than us normal people, the people in Europe and in Canada and elsewhere.
I will take one and I may indeed have to drop the blue cards if our time is running out. So just bear that in mind. This is sheer vanity. The EU should not manipulate the trade of the Member States in order to promote the foreign policy pretensions of a wannabe European superstate. Now, to the detail, and this is particularly important: in CETA, there is no clause, none, that confers freedom of movement on the citizens of Canada, nor freedom of movement into Canada for citizens of the EU Member States.
Nevertheless, it is endlessly asserted that any access at all to the EU single market requires freedom of movement. The facts are clear: this is wrong. This is completely untrue. It is erroneous; it is total tosh. And it is a tragedy for the integrity and credibility of our politics that many of those who stand in the way of Brexit persist in putting forward this false fact.
That is fake news; that — Labour MEPs in particular, and they know who they are — that is the big lie. Janice Atkinson ENF , blue-card question. Why have we got a former socialist sociology lecturer from Sweden negotiating on behalf of the UK, which will bind us after Brexit? As it is, we have somebody who is completely unqualified, and that is the person who the 27 other Member States are unfortunately stuck with. There is no need to wave, I can see you, sir. Could you just listen? Please sit down. We will now continue with our list of speakers.
Economy and Society
Matteo Salvini ENF. Oggi siete complici dell'ennesimo regalo alle multinazionali e alla finanza. Datele ai vostri figli quelle schifezze! Noi vorremmo che ciascuno potesse mangiare quello che la terra e il mare e il buon Dio ci ha dato. Quarantamila posti di lavoro in Italia, quarantamila posti di lavoro in Francia: a rimetterci saranno sempre i soliti, a guadagnarci sarete voi.
Preparatevi a far le valigie per andare o in Canada o in Cina, che vi aspettano a braccia aperte. Janusz Korwin-Mikke NI. So I will not take any more blue cards, in order to give colleagues who have indicated that they wish to speak an opportunity to do so at the end of the debate. Make no mistake: we are going to do a lot more today than just agree on CETA. For one thing, we are going to prove our credibility. With the conclusion of these negotiations we are going to prove that during difficult geopolitical times, when populism triumphs, we can set and support good international trade practices.
With this Agreement we show that we are going to set certain rules that can be established for future agreements on trade around the world. If we can agree with Canada, if we can push forward to improve trade relations with Canada, if we can show the positive impact on citizens, on industry and on employment, this Agreement will show that this is the way to go. I believe that is why we should support it, because it is just one step towards reshaping the world in a positive manner. Yo no creo que este Acuerdo sea la panacea de nada ni sea el mejor acuerdo posible. Es el que hoy hemos conseguido.
Jan Zahradil ECR. Not only that, it will facilitate access to public tenders at federal, provincial and local level in Canada. It will take care of European geographical indications, including Czech beer. Madam Commissioner, the EU needs to show now, more than ever, that it has not resigned, unlike some others, on the liberalisation of trade at international level, but not only that, the EU should stand ready to shape it. Instead of closing our borders with protectionism we have to lead by example and make sure that there can be more such agreements with our key trade partners.
Hoy, la casa de la democracia vende la democracia a las multinacionales. CETA baut unser Sozialwesen weiter ab. Marcel de Graaff ENF. CETA is een volgende stap naar dictatuur en armoede. Dictatuur, omdat de multinationale ondernemingen het voor het zeggen krijgen. En armoede, omdat de multinationale ondernemingen hun producten laten maken in de goedkoopste landen, goedkoop qua lonen en goedkoop qua eisen ten aanzien van milieu- en arbeidsomstandigheden. Het voordeel van lage prijzen voor de burger wordt tenietgedaan door het verdwijnen van banen en lagere lonen. Maar er is hoop.
Steeds meer burgers in de EU doorzien de leugens van de gevestigde orde en sluiten zich aan bij de patriotten. Wij vertegenwoordigen het volk. Wij strijden voor hun vrijheid. Franck Proust PPE. Quelles garanties apportez-vous sur les clauses de sauvegarde? Das, glaube ich, muss man bewerten, um zu sagen: Dieses Abkommen ist ein Schritt in die Richtung der Gestaltung der Globalisierung. After seven long years, the champions of free trade have battled through, and now we are at the final furlong.
Разисквания - Сряда, 15 февруари г.
To be clear, CETA is an ambitious, modern and comprehensive trade agreement, which will bring tremendous benefits to the EU as a whole and to each one of the Member States. It will lead to the creation of jobs and economic growth, allowing small and medium-size enterprises access to the Canadian market, free of barriers. As a champion of free trade, I welcome this Agreement and look forward to seeing a positive vote in this Chamber today. In times of growing protectionism, the EU must not underestimate the benefits of trade agreements like this, especially when we are negotiating with reliable and strategic partners such as Canada who are, and remain, our allies.
The EU-Canada Trade Agreement is a good and modern trade agreement that will help boost trade and economic activity, and it has many advantages which have all been listed many times here already, including opening markets to goods, benefiting SMEs and opening up their procurement market. It also allows us to promote and protect our shared values. CETA will help create jobs and economic growth which is very much needed.
But this deal also has more significant value. It is the most elaborate deal with a successful OECD country, and in coming to an agreement with Canada we show that this kind of agreement can be done, and this is a very important message. It is also an important deal geopolitically. The EU and Canada must strengthen and hold their alliance in this changing, unstable environment.
CETA is a good indication that where there is a will, there is a way. Franz Obermayr ENF. CETA steht nun vor der Abstimmung. Das Ergebnis scheint leider schon festzustehen. Este Acuerdo es bueno para Europa, para las pymes, y es bueno para el presente y el futuro de los ciudadanos europeos. CETA creates employment opportunities. CETA protects public services, no forced privatisation, no ratchet clause. CETA defends our right to regulate, so no Frankenstein foods in our market, no threat to food safety. It contains an ambitious Labour Chapter.
It commits our partners to multilateral environment agreements at a time when Trump threatens the Paris Accord, a vital thing. It kills investor-state dispute settlement ISDS and replaces it with a modern, fair system of investment protection. So what is it beyond the rhetoric, beyond the words that this is good for corporations, what is it in CETA that they really object to, because I do not hear it? I hear a lot of words, but I hear no substance in their objection to CETA, and that is what they should be standing up for. We live in a world that faces real dangers of protectionism.
With this progressive deal, Canada and the EU are not only keeping markets open, they are keeping those markets open on the basis of common values, and that is something we should applaud. Joachim Starbatty ECR. Und wir wissen aus der Geschichte: Das sind diejenigen, die sich immer gegen Offenheit und Freihandel gestellt haben. Also er greift Trump an, spielt aber die Karte von Trump. Das sollte man sich einmal klarmachen. Mir geht es darum, dass die Feinde des Freihandels und die Freunde des Protektionismus sich einmal ihre Argumente klarmachen und selber mal durchdeklinieren.
Voi ponete in alternativa al protezionismo di Trump un'altra forma di protezionismo. Proteggete il diritto al profitto, istituite un diritto ineguale che protegge le multinazionali, protegge il profitto, gli investimenti e le multinazionali prima delle persone. Anche noi abbiamo una forma di protezionismo. Vogliamo proteggere il lavoro, l'ambiente, la salute alimentare, i cittadini e le cittadine europee. Vogliamo proteggere la democrazia.
Trudeau l'ambientalista che ha dato il suo via libera all'oleodotto Keystone negli Stati Uniti, plaudendo al famigerato Trump. Trudeau che si accinge ad esportare in Europa quel petrolio estratto dalle sabbie bituminose e dagli scisti che la direttiva ci invitava a tagliare. Voglio dire un'ultima cosa: i Socialisti ci avevano annunciato la fine della grande coalizione. Oggi ci dimostrano che la grande coalizione continua. Noi restiamo in coalizione con i cittadini I am trying to be fair to everybody and I need to be strict.
I would just like to advise colleagues who have come into the Chamber that we announced earlier that there will be no further blue cards. That is for the information of colleagues who have joined us. Salvatore Cicu PPE. Ich habe nicht den Eindruck, dass diese Werte sich im Moment rasend vermehren. Umso wichtiger ist es, dass wir mit Freunden zusammenarbeiten, die zu diesen Werten stehen. Ich freue mich auf diese bessere Zusammenarbeit mit unseren Freunden in Kanada. Nous comptons sur vous pour les faire respecter, Madame le Commissaire. Wir sollten allerdings auch nicht so tun, als ob Investitionsschiedsgerichte bisher nicht existieren.
Nein, sie existieren schon. Das ist schade, denn CETA ist ein hervorragend verhandeltes Handelsabkommen zwischen zwei Partnern, die die gemeinsamen gleichen Werte vertreten. Die Globalisierung findet statt, ob wir das wollen oder nicht. Iuliu Winkler PPE. We also need to protect and promote our service industries, innovation and European IPR. I believe that there is a broad consensus on this both inside and outside this House. But how can we achieve this? Is protectionism the best protection that we can provide? The history of the global economy and trade in the last hundred years teaches us that protectionism is a poor tool.
The cost of protectionist measures has always turned out to be higher than the short—term gain of such measures. The best we can do for European industries, SMEs and farmers is to actively promote their interests. Today that means providing for a fair, modern, 21st century trade agreement with a like—minded partner. Today that means approving CETA. Seconda considerazione: sembra esserci in questo Parlamento un'opinione prevalente che ritiene che questo accordo possa diventare un modello di riferimento per la prossima generazione di accordi.
Io la penso diversamente e non ritengo che il CETA possa essere l'inizio di un nuovo corso. James Nicholson ECR. Canada is a country very similar to ourselves. If we cannot do a trade deal with Canada, who can we do a trade deal with? There are many historical ties between my constituency of Northern Ireland, and Canada, and we have significant economic ties today. For instance the Canadian company Bombardier has operations in Northern Ireland and I hope that once this deal is in place it will strengthen and deepen those ties. We all know that any trade deal is not perfect and CETA comes with positives and also negatives, we are well aware of that.
When the United Kingdom eventually leaves the European Union and embarks on its own trade policy, I hope it takes a balanced approach. The government seems to believe at the moment that we can do deals quickly. I believe quick deals are bad deals for the people. Tak for ordet. Christofer Fjellner PPE. Men det handlar inte bara om Kanada. El CETA no es un acuerdo perfecto. Viviane Reding PPE. Adam Szejnfeld PPE. Fernando Ruas PPE. Deshalb kann ich CETA nicht zustimmen. CETA ist noch nicht gut genug.
Nun, was lehrt uns CETA? Was bei CETA schief gelaufen ist, darf sich nicht wiederholen! Othmar Karas PPE. Tunne Kelam PPE. Also, some time ago, Pope Francis spoke to the European Parliament of his impression of a wary and ageing Europe, reminding us of a grandmother, hesitant and defensive, but now also believing in political horror stories. Only opening up will bring wide-ranging success and well-being to the citizens of Europe. En el mundo de hoy no se puede estar contra el comercio internacional.
Es gibt auch keinen Unterschied zwischen rechten alternativen Fakten von Donald Trump und linken alternativen Fakten von der Linkspartei und anderen. Stimmen wir diesem Abkommen zu! Michael Gahler PPE. Deswegen bitte ich alle herzlich, diesem Abkommen zuzustimmen. I must say I am somewhat amazed at the alternative facts which are now in vogue in this establishment and around the world. You could say this is the age of alternative facts. One of them, which has been flying around my Twitter feed over the last few days, says CETA will put 90 million jobs at risk.
That is nearly half the jobs in the European Union and this from a country, Canada, which has only 35 million people itself. These are the facts being perpetrated and which the people out there protesting today believe. If I thought it was going to cost 90 million jobs I would be against it too.
In actual fact, it is the opposite. We are in favour of it because it is going to create jobs. It is going to create jobs in Europe, in Ireland, and that is what we want. Is this logical? Nema crnog scenarija. Kolegice i kolege, ako nismo sposobni sklopiti sporazum s jednom benignom Kanadom, onda s kim jesmo?
The problem is that the person who went out and negotiated this agreement has said that she does not take her mandate from the people. What sort of a democracy is this, where we send someone out to negotiate on our behalf and she brazenly says to us that she does not take her mandate from the people? I suppose she is being honest, unlike a lot of the other Commissioners. The great irony, though, is that the man who casts doubt on the unemployment that will be occurring actually comes from a party with a leader who is openly a liar, and I can say that because it is official.
I think it weighs heavily on the side of enterprises and investors but, having said this, I look very much forward to working with the Commissioner on the new trade agreements where this balance will be set right. I welcome, Commissioner, your suggestion on broad consultation on how to embed sustainable development in a legally binding way in the Treaties. I also believe that Parliament has to support you when you call for the Council to publish negotiation mandates at an early stage in the future, because that would be the right way to proceed from now on.
At this moment we are dealing with the CETA Agreement and let me say that, even if Canada is a very nice country and Trudeau is a very nice guy, some Canadian mining companies are not best known for their responsibility and accountability, and this may be felt even in my country, Finland. Le maschere dell'ipocrisia di quanti spacciano il CETA per un semplice e banale accordo con il ridente Canada, fondato su principi e valori comuni, una pietra miliare del commercio sostenibile.
Noi portavoce del Movimento 5 Stelle abbiamo scelto da che parte stare: dalla parte di chi non vuole farsi consumare dal consumismo, dalla parte di chi difende il diritto di tutti contro il profitto di pochi, dalla parte di tre milioni e mezzo di firme di cittadini europei. We are here discussing a trade agreement. Trade has made the European Union the biggest economy of the world.
It has benefited the prosperity and welfare of Europeans. Countries are queuing up to make trade agreements with us but they are, of course, looking very carefully at what is going to happen today, whether we are a reliable partner or not. Trade globally has lifted millions and millions of people out of poverty, so trade is a good thing, but of course trade needs to be regulated in trade agreements and that is what we are discussing here today.
This is not business as usual; this is a new type of trade agreement. It has economic advantages: we are taking away tariffs, we are increasing market access, we have achieved the recognition of many important geographical indications, we are taking away red tape and this is beneficial.
SMEs benefit from lower tariffs, from increased market access, from less red tape. These are not small sums for small companies, and many of them are also involved in exporting geographical indications. We know that trade works. The trade agreement with South Korea has increased exports by impressive figures and created many jobs.
This is also an agreement about values, about the right of governments to regulate, about maintaining our high standards, about labour rights, about environmental rights, about sustainable development, about reforming the old ISDS system — because it was not invented in CETA, it has existed since , it was invented in Germany.
We have made them more democratic, more transparent and introduced a more ethical system. You, here in the European Parliament, have been very active in that transformation. The President interrupted the speaker to call for less noise in the House. Actually, honourable Members of this House, for years many of you have been calling for trade agreements which include sustainable development, human rights, labour rights, environment, climate, animal rights. All this is in this unique agreement, but it does not include anything which forces any municipality, country or region to implement privatisation.
It will not lower standards, and it will not deprive the governments of their right to regulate in the interests of their citizens. Things that are forbidden on the European market today will remain forbidden, and the Joint Committee will not change anything in our legislation. That is for the EU institutions, including you, to do. We are making this agreement with Canada, and I would like to salute the presence of the Minister of International Trade, Mr Champagne, who is in the Tribune here today. Canada is a democratic country which shares so many of our values, which is committed to the rule of law, to human rights, and which plays an important international role in defending the multilateral system.
They have a strong public sector and they are committed to working with us to shape globalisation. I am not going to resume this debate until we have some semblance of order and silence because the Commissioner is responding in detail to questions raised during the debate. Please bear with us. We have two more speakers and then we vote.
Commissioner, again, apologies for the interruption. Twenty-eight governments have signed this agreement, and it has been done in transparency. The original version has been online for two and a half years. There have been 12 meetings on this with the European Parliament, nine meetings with the Committee on International Trade, three workshops, two EP delegations, and I could go on. It has not been negotiated in secret. Honourable Members will be involved in the implementation of all this, and we will work with you in order to make sure that we reform and look at how we can become better in the implementation of the sustainable development chapter.
I do respect — and that is perfectly normal — that there are different views on this. You can be in favour and you can be against. So, voting in a few minutes on the two agreements we have in front of us will enable us to take a great economic and geopolitical opportunity, deepening economic relations, affirming our social and environmental protection, showing that trade and values can go hand—in—hand, and strengthening a shared partnership. I hope that you will vote in favour of these two agreements that will send a strong signal to our friends in Canada, and also to the rest of the world.
Thank you to all of you. I would also like to agree with speakers such as Alexander Graf Lambsdorff and others who noted that, once more, the far right and the far left of this House are united against everything that is good for the European Union. If anybody is taking away jobs, if anybody is taking away the wealth of the people of Europe, if anybody is loosening the foundations of European nation states, then turn to these radicals on both sides.
I believe that we will vote today correctly to the benefit of the European Union. I would also like to say that already next week, we will have the first national parliament — that of my country, Latvia — that will ratify this agreement, and the other countries will be able to follow. I believe that this vote is the right vote for our Member States and for the European Union as a whole. Our shared culture, democratic norms and history bind us together in a way that is unique. It is vital that the EU champions those shared values to maintain the levels of prosperity and success that we enjoy today and to stand together as strong advocates for free trade and liberal multilateralism across the globe.
This is also a potential model around which the United Kingdom could base its future trade relationships with the EU post—Brexit. Fighting international crime and terrorism, tackling climate change and ensuring continued space for economic growth and job creation in an era of globalisation and technological change are all issues that cross borders, and they can only be tackled by democracies like Canada and the EU Member States working together. As these changes take effect, it is vital that we all pull together to ensure that they work for all our citizens, and that we do not allow our economies to drift towards the simple allure of nationalism, isolationism and protectionism that can only lead to less prosperity and security for our citizens.
It has taken many years to reach today and to conclude these deals, but as we are now finally moving in this House to ratify the SPA and CETA, it is clear that this time and effort has been very well worthwhile. Written statements Rule I am not against trade deals. Scotland is a trading nation, with a long history of building valuable commercial links around the world. I want that to continue. Although I acknowledge that changes in the CETA deal have been achieved, these improvements had been strongly resisted, and only very grudgingly given when serious democratic challenges have been mounted, such as the Wallonian opposition to the original text and the threat of resistance to ISDS in this Parliament.
I find myself unconvinced that the current CETA text is the best deal available, and am very suspicious of the moves to limit debate and steamroller the deal to a conclusion, both at Westminster recently and in this Parliament where the normal committee processes have been curtailed. Labour law standards have not been adequately safeguarded and an envisaged consultation process remains opaque in its eventual effect. The Investor Court System, while admittedly improved, will still undermine the general corporate law by developing a specific, and unnecessary, supranational court for investors.
These are just some of the reasons why I will vote against giving consent at this time. Or il n'offre pas la garantie de tirer celles-ci vers le haut. Ce sont, entre autres, les raisons pour lesquelles je vote aujourd'hui contre le CETA. Romana Tomc PPE , pisno. Nevarno bi bilo, da bi se EU gospodarsko zaprla sama vase. Credo che sia stata manifestata la posizione contraria. Ci sono stati molti che si sono espressi contro questo accordo. Il Parlamento deve essere protagonista. I think colleagues would like to join me in paying their respects to Her Majesty the Queen, especially colleagues from the Commonwealth, from Malta and from Cyprus.
Per i risultati delle votazioni e altri dettagli che le riguardano: vedasi processo verbale. Helmut Scholz, rapporteur. Unfortunately, we did not have the chance to discuss the content, and I want to draw your attention in particular to the fact that we need the opening of a representation of the European Union in Mongolia to accompany the future cooperation and political, economic and cultural relationship with this important country in Asia.
Ian Duncan, rapporteur. I think we have lived through that today and yesterday and for several months. I would now like to request a mandate to refer this back to committee in order to begin interinstitutional negotiations. Charities, religious groups and many businesses support rejection of this technical standard because they are concerned about the impact of speculation on food commodity prices.
Many of you will know that those spikes in food commodity prices have been linked to famine in some countries, pushing millions of people into poverty. We are asking for a very small change to tighten up rules. National regulators will still have the power to loosen those rules if they have to, and farmers who use derivative markets to hedge their bets are accepted. Please, whatever group you are in, reject these technical standards. Markus Ferber PPE. Ich will nur darauf aufmerksam machen, dass zur Ablehnung die qualifizierte Mehrheit notwendig ist. Vicky Ford ECR. This is a good deal.
But the Canada deal is not the best template for the future relationship between the UK and Europe, as our own trade is much more sophisticated and intertwined, especially in key 21st—century economic sectors. High product standards underpinned by the mutual recognition principle is what this relationship is based on, and I hope that the UK-EU deal will be a much more advanced and future-looking partnership. Lamento que hoy ignore sus propias palabras y prefiera defender a las grandes multinacionales antes que a los propios trabajadores y trabajadoras.
La lucha sigue y no nos rendiremos. Pero no hemos perdido esta batalla, porque esto acaba de empezar. Diane James NI. Everything about trade policy is about generating jobs and protecting people; it is not about succumbing to lobbyists and to bigger principles from the big corporates.
But that is what we gave away today and, in doing so, the United Kingdom may well have given away the protection that the National Health Service has enjoyed. Indisputably, what was also sanctioned today was the investment and court system being brought into play. That is going to allow big corporates to sue governments if they want to. Is that really the future for trade policy across Europe? I do not think it is. So today a very, very disappointing decision by this Chamber.
Today has been different. Today, the European Parliament has been able to send a united strong signal to the world, a signal that we want to uphold the post-war consensus of openness and free trade. I am therefore very proud to have supported CETA today. It will open bidders for a public procurement on EU businesses, and it will also protect our environmental and social standards. Today, we have taken a good step.
We should continue in that way. I come from a small open economy, and I am in favour of free trade. Certainly in Ireland we need to trade in order to survive and thrive economically. I listened to the debate this morning and I heard people say, what about the geopolitical situation? The EU, of which I am a full supporter, is under attack from both inside and outside, and if we cannot do a deal with those decent Canadians, who can we do a deal with? Well, all of those arguments are valid, but you cannot vote on a very detailed trade deal on your gut feelings only.
You must vote on the essential elements that are in the deal. There are many elements I could comment on, but in my limited time I will mention just one, and that is the inclusion of investor courts in this deal. Yet that is precisely what we have in this agreement. And just as President Junker would not accept it, neither can I. Bruno Gollnisch NI. Il est aussi dangereux pour les services publics. Los propios diputados y diputadas a este Parlamento votando en contra de este Parlamento, votando en contra de la democracia.
La gente lo va a enterrar para siempre a su paso por los Parlamentos nacionales. Deshalb habe ich gegen CETA gestimmt. Door nu ja of nee te zeggen gaat de kans verloren om door te knokken voor een handelsakkoord dat model kan staan voor eerlijke wereldhandel. De onderhandelingen kennen nog vele open eindes. Onder druk van onze fractie en van de samenleving is ISDS van de baan.
Voor het beslechten van geschillen wordt nu gekozen voor ICS. Wij vinden dit geen perfecte oplossing, maar tegelijkertijd heeft de Commissie toegezegd door te onderhandelen om ICS om te vormen tot een internationaal publiek hof en daarmee komen ook de ruim Europese ISDS-clausules te vervallen. We wachten die ontwikkeling dus graag af. De PvdA wil verder dat milieu- en vakorganisaties het recht krijgen om juridisch op te treden ter bescherming van arbeids- en milieunormen. Ook hier heeft de Commissie toegezegd om samen met Canada nog voor deze zomer met een sanctiesysteem te komen dat kan omgezet worden bij schendingen van deze rechten.
Ook de nationale parlementen komen nog aan bod. En dan weten we genoeg voor een definitief oordeel. Steven Woolfe NI. It is not one that is fair. It is not one that can be fair when the corporates were the only ones invited to make agreements in secret with the Commissioners, when investors will be able to sue freely through the new Investor Court system, and when corporations will actually be invited to make the rules.
Wallonia opposed it and was bought off. Our parliaments do not have the opportunity to vote on it before it is in place.