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Déclaration du 2 février 1963

Work Cited Copp, David. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, International distributive justice and the begning world Conception of Justice: 1. Injustice can be corrected. There are however still injustices in it that consists in or supervenes on relevant differences in life prospects, where such differences are due to inequality in the distribution of resources Justice also requires equality of opportunity and the basic liberties.

The principle demand intervention in the economy. It is able to do so by permissible means not violating moral principles. State, quasi-state, and society. Only the state is in a position to act as an agent of the society. In a state of nature there is no possibility to discharge the duty regarding basic needs. In this situation a society has the duty to establish a state in order to gain the ability to discharge this duty. Even if every country in the world satisfies the basic needs principle, it is possible that the global society as a whole does not satisfy the principle.

International justice under a global state A state is the system of institutions that governs a territory in which a legal system is in force, and that administers and enforces the legal system and carries out the programs of the government. For a global state to exist there would have to be a global legal system and institutions to administer it. Could be a unitary entity or a federation of states. The global state is required only to ensure that the subordinate states have sufficient resources to be able to meet this primary responsibility.

The divided responsibility view is the more natural. International justice in the absence of a global state The Benign World should be able to organize itself into a global state: a quasi-state for example. Objections 1. Copp disagrees, but agrees that the basic need principle would not apply to the global population if that global population did not constitute a society.

Requirements of global justice is thus a contingent matter. A global state would not be viable, or would not be a force for justice: Nagel, Rawls, Kant agree that a global state is not possible. However, Copp only argues in favour of some kind of federation, to which Rawls and Kant agree that it might be conducive of world peace.

Idea of a division of moral responsibility:. The book is like a diamond sparkling many facettes. To worship my country as a god is to bring a curse upon it. A woman, Bimala, has been married to Nikhil, a notable, for nine years, when comes at home another man and friend of Nikhil, political radicalist Sandip.

She is tempted by the passion of patriotism represented by Sandip, whereas her husband represents a certain cosmopolitan wisdom, cold and dispassionate. She falls rapidly in intellectual and sentimental infatuation for Sandip.

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However, this leads her to actions she regrets. Attempting to correct the course of actions set, she sends her brother Amulya to death. Not directly related to this novel, my personal concern is to investigate historically how this opposition came into being. In this book, patriotism is associated with sentiments, infatuation, sensuality, desire, conquering, lying, radical change, concrete and direct principles, partisanship, for the greater good of the community. Cosmopolitanism is associated with truth, reason, dispassionate reflection, abstract ideas, long-term goals, moral standards, stability, for the good of everyone.

Where does this cosmopolitan understanding of patriotism come from? My contention is that these positions are discursively situated inside modernity, that they are related to nationalism, and that they appeared in the long aftermath of the French revolution. Global integration is progressing parallel to social disintegration separatisms, international terrorism, national revival. Argument: the responses to these challenges by contemporary political theory have been prematurely normative, taking identity as a given and not as a practice.

Identity should be understood with methodological constructivism. She defends a constitutional and legal universalism at the level of the polity, and defends legal pluralism and institutional power-sharing through regional and local parliaments. She distinguishes between democratic theorist and multiculturalist theorist , preferring the former to the latter because multiculturalist theorists tend to maintain the purity and distinctiveness of cultures, which is irreconcilable with democratic and epistemological considerations.

Cultures are complex human practices of signification and representation. Chapter 1: On the Use and Abuse of Culture. Culture has become synonymous with identity. Identity politics draw the state into culture wars. But culture derives from the Latin root colare , associated with activities of preservation, of tending to and caring for. Western modernity, capitalist commodity economy, rationalized scientific worldview, and bureaucratic administrative control have altered the root meaning. Does not educate or shape to soul, does not express the spirit of people.

The anthropological egalitarian view of culture denouncing Eurocentric cultural presumptions. Social constructivism and its normative implications. Some multiculturalisms reject cultural essentialism, but not always for the same reasons and not clear epistemology.

The student of human affairs tries to explain that. Discourse ethics and multiculturalism. They must be presupposed in some form for practical discourses These are dialogic processes. Provides a more determinate and concrete content of choice and deliberation. It views individuals as generalized, not as concrete others. I can become aware of the otherness of others. We are born in a web of narratives, or thrown into these. To be and to become a self is to insert oneself into webs of interlocution.

Contemporary discussion of these issues is often mired in two shortcomings: processes of group formation are not treated dynamically and effort is spent on identifying what a group is; this literature ignores processes through which existing social and cultural cleavages are transformed into political mobilization The democratic theorist is concerned with the public manifestation of cultural identities in civic spaces; the multiculturalist is interested in classifying and naming groups and then developing normative theories.

Universalist deliberative democracy model :. Members of cultural, religious, linguistic and other minorities must not, in virtue of their membership status, be entitled to lesser degrees of civil, political, economic, and cultural rights than the majority. In consociationalist or federative multicultural societies, an individual must not be automatically assigned to a cultural, religious, or linguistic group by virtue of his or her birth. There will be many cases when such self-identifications may be contested, but the state should not simply grant the right to define and control membership to the group at the expense of the individual; it is desirable that at some point in their adult lives individuals be asked whether they accept their continuing membership in their communities of origin.

The freedom of the individual to exit the ascriptive group must be unrestricted, although exit may be accompanied by the loss of certain kinds of formal and informal privileges. However, the wish of individuals to remain group members, even while outmarrying, must not be rejected; accommodations must be found for intergroup marriages and the children of such marriages. Work Cited Rosenfeld, Sophia.

Contention of the essay: the development of the conceptual space of political engagement among private subjects cannot be reduced to the creation of national loyalties. A body of literature existed, produced in the 18th century under the amorphous space of the transnational Republic of Letters, in which individuals transformed themselves into political spokesmen by de-situating themselves rhetorically.

Roots of participatory citizenship in the context of absolutism Political decision-making and political expression were the monopoly of kings and their chief advisers. Hence a royal endorsement necessary to the publication of anything. It was especially true when it came to international affairs: the determination of foreign policy, until the outbreak of the French Revolution, was the exclusive prerogative of ministers and heads of state.

Yet, the second half of the 18th century saw a growing number of writers from an expanding range of social background. Especially an increasingly broad range of unofficial francophone literature found its way into circulation across Europe. The intention behind those texts was. Publication and response became a form of public action, a challenge to the absolute sovereignty of the state. Yet these writers, in describing themselves, insist on their lack of connections to the sphere of decision-making.

Moreover, they forgo the chief marker of identity: the legal name. The authors were both individuals with their own singular political thoughts, and individuals without particular connections to any family, location, history, or status. Methods: 1. First, the author leaves off any reference to himself or precise location of the book.

Then, he gradually reveals more and more about an alternative aspect of himself: his philosophical orientation and his motivation as a public spokesman on matters of international relations. Of course these examples were neither unique at the time nor reserved to cosmopolitan themes. Rosenfeld , 32 Why? But it did not protect completely. On the one hand, the author could deviate charges of immodesty upon himself to critics on the content of the writing.

But very few of these plans project a unitary world state. Most are preserving local differences. Changing name At first the peace plans were an alliance among constitutional monarchs recognizing human rights in a pacific confederation. The culture of the Revolution led to plans linked to the idea of the republic understood as a form of government characterized by popular sovereignty, constitutional protections for the universal rights of man.

A few revolutionary thinkers even proposed plans for federations of individuals, considered as citizens of the world. Those wanting to imagine new configurations beyond the national level continued to find it useful to adopt pseudonyms. From baron von Klootz he adopted simply Cloots.

From Jean-Baptiste, he unbaptised himself into Anacharsis, name of an ancient Sythian who left his native land to travel civilized countries in search of broader knowledge. Conclusion At the same time, the idea of the nation as a community of person grew. In fact, as it turns out, political engagement did not always follow directly from the development of national identity in distance.

Mortier, R. Paris: Aux amateurs de livres international. The Universalist idea was not something new or invented in the eighteenth century. The project was not very ambitious and only projected an arbitrary system by a superior international institution capable of imposing its decisions to the sovereign national institutions. Dupin, asked him to summarise his voluminous works. Although Rousseau found the project unrealistic, he nevertheless took it as the starting point of his own political reflexion and published an Extract in Mortier, This project, because it was unrealistic, discouraged for a long time any universalistic political vision.

However, the French Declaration of the rights of Man and of the citizen renewed the Universalist ideal as it was directed to humanity in general. Cloots was very impressed by this and made his mission to make the French revolution a model of political organisation to the world because of its principles and its example Mortier, He does not believe in a federative system. He proposes a radical unification by a process of spontaneous adhesion Mortier, Every man should benefit from the effects of the declaration of the rights of man and of the citizen , and for this we should build a universal republic on the ruins of the thrones.

The will is one, action is one, because interest is one Mortier, The republic may be built in several steps though, starting from France, diffusing through Europe. It is a gallocentric universalism Mortier, But it is gallocentric because France and Paris are the centres of freedom. The way to achieve this is through propaganda and not violence, freedom is a plant that grows on every soil and if people are ignorant but free, minds should mature through books Mortier, One reason, one nation!

Cloots was not a realist, and he did not care about the political realities of his time. He made powerful enemies, chiefly Robespierre, who sent him to the guillotine 24 March Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Critique de Rousseu, Palissot et de Belloy.. The term is occasionally invoked by literary and cultural historians of the eighteenth century in connection with neoclassical notions of taste, the language of bourgeois political aspirations or aristocratic consumer preferences.

Voltaire understood this civilisation in cultural rather than political terms. It is also, in the work of some eighteenth-century historians, an identity-prescription for their readers: Europe, it is implied, must remain part of the structure of their self-awareness as French, British or American subjects or citizens. History was also understood in this period, in related but non-rhetorical ways, as a form of spectacle designed to awaken the imagination and stimulated the sensibility. II, , XVI, A large part is left to non-Western accounts, particularly China, and Japan.

The East is essential to the self-understanding of the West. Narrative connectives are traded for a satirical sense of necessity. The rudimentary causal coherence, which Voltaire originally found in the history of the world, starts to look like a Panglossian fantasy. II, Or as Bossuet phrases it:. Il est. Hazard , Montbron Le cosmopolite ou le citoyen du monde.

Ainsi Jean-Jacques Rousseau dans son Discours sur. II, p. Ce terme de. Monsieur Dortidius, dit-on quelques nouvelles? This is one of the very first biography existing on this not so well-known history character of the French Revolution, Anacharsis Cloots. The merit of this book is its weakness: the tone in which it is written.

On the other hand, it blows life into a colourful character with an original and synthesising thought. And what a life! Until it was cut short by the revolutionary guillotine, his Prussian origins causing him suspicions of espionage and conspiracy against the Revolution. Cloots, away from France for some time, came back in and arrived in Paris 4 August. He saw the national assembly and was taken by enthusiasm. He saw in it the real ecumenical assembly, presided by common sense that will eliminate all the canons of the so-called universal conciliabules Avenel, Other were opposed because the country would not accept Parisian law.

Paris is the capital-city of the globe. Cloots acclaimed this decree because it was signifying the end of the secrecy of alliances in cabinets, of Westphalian treaties and this kind of diplomacy Avenel, This event made Cloots dream of a Parisian federation not only of all France but of the whole universe. He wanted to make the same demand but of humankind, including refugees of all countries who had been proscribed from the city Avenel, He declared that the party on Bastille Day will not only be the one of Frenchmen but also the one of Humankind.

The wakening of the French people has been heard away and has awakened other peoples from a long slavery. The wisdom of the decrees voted by the children of France give troubles to despots and hope for nations. Sovereignty resides in the people, but the people is everywhere under the control of despots who consider themselves sovereigns. Avenel, Baron Menou answered to him that he proved that all other nations equally own the progress one nation makes in philosophy and the knowledge of human rights. Therefore, the civic national party shall include any free man who wants to join. His mission will only come to an end when oppressors of the humankind will be overthrown.

He changed his first name Jean-Baptiste because of its Christian origin into Anacharsis, the name of a young Greek philosopher, originally a Scythe who travelled from North to educate himself in Attic and Ionia. He also Frenchifyed his surname as a tribute to France, the country in which freedom was born and from where it should be spread to the world. This project must realise the cosmopolitan imperative of the revolution: a peaceful order based on the rights of nations against tyranny In the first days of conquests, numerous voices advise to behave as occupant armies and seize everything possible The Republic offers them rational administration and the end of archaic and feudal institutions; order and progress justifying domination Moreover, France cannot let nations escape her orbit and risk an ingratitude characteristic to all peoples The Directoire is then putting itself in a paradoxical situation of putting these republics in the impossibility to defend the European order by refusing local free and revolutionary republicanism Still the rhetoric of the liberation of peoples does not disappear under the Directoire and all republicans consider that France must aid to the propagation of the principles of property and liberty But to free the peoples does not necessarily mean to respect the free expression of their sovereignty France wants to propagate the principles of the revolution, but does not want to have revolutions.

The project for a republican order under the Directoire is thus not a federation as the enlightened philosophers conceived, but an hegemony, dominating without any institutional compensation However, soon it will be obvious that the revolution and France are no longer a universalist reference for humanity One of the rare books of intellectual history about cosmopolitanism in Europe.

It is interesting and worth reading for students of cosmopolitanism in two respects. The date is very interesting because it is probably not coincidental.

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My contention is that cosmopolitanism appeared as a conscious idea described by a word only because nationalism became socially embedded. Nationalism constructed an opposite — cosmopolitanism — even though nationalism and cosmopolitanism were originally one and the same before and during the revolution. Second, it is a good introduction to several major European authors and their thought in cosmopolitan terms. Here follows a summary of some of the main elements concerning cosmopolitanism in France.

Mais le mouvement date du XVIIe. Au lieu de parler du consentement du peuple, il serait plus exact de parler de celui des premiers facteurs du corps social. Martha C. The article is a reaction against Richard Rorty and Sheldon Hackney , and is therefore answering an internal Northern American debate. Published in , it set the beginning of contemporary cosmopolitan theory. It opposes cosmopolitanism as an opening towards the world to patriotism as an inward and egoist feeling.

Instead, it suggests stoicism as an inspiration in educating America citizens. The reason for doing so is that reason is decided inside a particular discourse — making it a hegemonic discourse —, whereas communication is based on discussing inside the discourse from many other. Moreover, since then, the opposition between cosmopolitanism on the one side, and patriotism and nationalism on the other, has been criticised.

These goals, I shall argue, would be better served by an ideal that is in any case more adequate to our situation in the contemporary world, namely the very old ideal of the cosmopolitan, the person whose primary allegiance is to the community of human beings in the entire world. Some nationalists have engaged in a conversation about nationalism. A commitment to human rights for instance should be part of the education of citizens. As students here grow up, is it sufficient for them to learn that they are above all citizens of the United States, but that they ought to respect the basic human rights of citizens of India, Bolivia, Nigeria, and Norway?

Or should they, as I think — in addition to giving special attention to the history and current situation of their own nation — learn a good deal more than is frequently the case about the rest of the world in which they live, about India and Bolivia and Nigeria and Norway and their histories, problems, and comparative successes? Developed by Stoics: we have two communities, the local community of our birth, and the community of human argument and aspiration.

One is born by accident in one nation. We should regard all humans as our fellow citizens and neighbours. Therefore we should not erect barriers between one another but recognise humanity everywhere. Good civic education is education for world citizenship. Stoics stress that one does not need to give up local identity, rather one should see our affiliations in terms of concentric circles: family, neighbours, countrymen, humanity. We should devote special attention to these close ties, the circle should revolve towards the centre. But we should not exclude the dialogue with the exterior, and devote attention and respect to others.

The first two are modern versions of my first two Stoic arguments; the third develops one part of my Stoic argument about intrinsic moral value; the fourth is more local, directed at the pro-patriotism arguments I am criticizing. By looking at ourselves in the lens of the other, we come to see what in our practices is local and non-necessary, what more broadly or deeply shared.

Our problems are global, such as pollution for instance. Dividing the world into nations is part of the problem in international cooperation. But why should these values, which instruct us to join hands across boundaries of ethnicity and class and gender and race, lose steam when they get to the borders of the nation?

By conceding that a morally arbitrary boundary such as the boundary of the nation has a deep and formative role in our deliberations, we seem to be depriving ourselves of any principled way of arguing to citizens that they should in fact join hands across these other barriers. Some same groups exist both outside and inside: is a Chinese Chinese in China, and American the minute he crosses the US border? The defence of national shared values should also transcend borders.

Respect should be accorded to humanity and not end at the border to only US citizen. Being a citizen of the world is a lonely business: like Diogenes, it is going against the comfort of patriotism. Cosmopolitanism offers no such refuge; it offers only reason and the love of humanity, which may seem at times less colorful than other sources of belonging. First, what kind of stoicism is this?

Whose stoicism? My argument is this: cosmopolitanism as we know it today is the product of nineteenth century nationalism. In this sense, the debate cosmopolitanism vs. Second, and related to the first point, does cosmopolitanism need to be solely the philosophy of those who travel? Other authors — e. Kymlicka, Tan — argue that cosmopolitanism and nationalism are not so foreign because they both stem from liberalism. Beac on Press. Translated by Thomas McCarthy. Cambridge: Polity.

Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nussbaum, Martha C. Tagore, Rabindranath [] The Home and the World. London: Penguin Classics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. However, the basic spheres of action of the U. The ambition is to continue not only on propagating values of freedom and democracy, but also on being a beacon to the world for these values — the two traditional schools of thought for American foreign policy Kissinger , However, after the Bush administration these two must be renewed.

This vision of the U. Here there is nothing really new in the messianic dimension that the U. Moreover, the U. The whole question is thus how Obama defines these interests. Are these solely military or terrorist attacks? In other cases, Obama committed to a multilateralist approach:. In which key sectors should then the U. The first priority is nuclear proliferation and security from nuclear threats, especially terrorist acquisitions of nuclear devices. In order to do so, the U. This is very classical neo-realist international relations.

In order to do so it is the front in Afghanistan and Pakistan that must be reinforced with American troops redeployed. That means also that troops in Iraq are to be progressively withdrawn. The military budget will however be increased in order to face these challenges. However the way to tackle it is less unilateral than the preceding administrations.

Not only does the U. The novelty in American foreign policy is here: a greater commitment to building the institutions to create a world community bonded by common security threats. NATO, comes first and is identified as the organization for common security. More troops must ensure collective security and more must be invested in this organization. However, nothing is said as to the notoriously American led government of the organization.

The United Nations nonetheless is identified as the organization in which the recognition of rising new powers in the world must be met with reforms:. To that end, the United Nations requires far-reaching reform. Is this a reform of the Security Council? Nothing is clearly stated, but it is already a giant leap that the word reform is accepted as well as the recognition of emerging powers such as precisely the countries named to enter the Security Council with a seat: Brazil, India, Nigeria, and South Africa,.

The much awaited commitment from the U. No reference as to the Kyoto protocol and other international instruments to reduce pollution, though, but a clear statement to work with Europe and Asia. A note on national interest: engagement to put an end to dependence on foreign oil, but no prosaic explanation as to how: off-shore drilling or reducing the consumption?

For the last 20 years, U. It is in our national security interest to do better. If we act with boldness and foresight, we will be able to tell our grandchildren that this was the time when we helped forge peace in the Middle East. This was the time we confronted climate change and secured the weapons that could destroy the human race. This was the time we defeated global terrorists and brought opportunity to forgotten corners of the world. And this was the time when we renewed the America that has led generations of weary travelers from all over the world to find opportunity and liberty and hope on our doorstep.

The role of the U. But Obama wants both, and he wants to be a global leader in building a strong partnership toward a common goal which is humankind. In order to achieve such a goal, the American people but also the people of the world must participate by understanding and agreeing to policies taken:. Kissinger, Henry Diplomacy. New York, NY: Touchstone. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, , reprint Translated by Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi.

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Many things oppose Obama and McCain. Of course, on the paper—on which their programme is printed that is—not much is separating them. On many issues they agree and especially in foreign policy one would be a fool to believe that Obama would be more multilateralist than McCain. However, the devil is in the details of their style. John is 72, he made most of his career already in the second half of the twentieth century. I do not mean to diminish him, it is just a fact. As the coronation of a long life—and many lives—the job of supreme commander seems appropriate for a man with so many experiences.

He surely knows what tough is. One thing he does not know, however, is what the future is and how to shape it. He only knows how to shape the present from past experiences. Barack is young, way too young. He does not have any experience, even in politics. He does not know what tough is—certainly not the way John knows. One thing he does know however, is how to shape the future and precisely because of his lack of experiences that pushes him to be creative.

Because of this lack of experience, Barack felt he had to prove himself. He went abroad to make campaign—a unique event in the history of presidential campaigns. He gained a wide support and could come back home with the image of a national leader that the whole world regards as the next president because he showed he listened and understood the global responsability that the USA has to bear. John made his campaign in America. Day after day he strode along the country, the countryside, from pancake houses to gas stations.

When Barack made his key speech in Berlin in front of a huge crowd, John chose derision: a little improvised dialogue with the few journalists gathered on the front porch of a German restaurant lost in the middle of nowhere USA. An America, which is part of the world and sees issues but does not demonise or confuse its population between a war in Iraq started for the wrong reasons and the necessity to finish a poorly done job.

His internet campaign site does not provide any tool for Internet campaigning. Of course John also has a campaign jet, but it is not the image he wants to give; whereas Barack does not hesitate to give pictures of him thoughtfully contemplating the sky from the window of his jet as if already flying Air Force One. In the end, which America will massively go voting is the big question of this campaign. Is it this multiethnic America, or Joe the plumber? The suburban immigrants who identify with Obama, the son of a Kenyan farmer raised in Asia?

The issue of this campaign has a significant meaning for realist cosmopolitan politics. If Obama gets elected, it means that a cosmopolitan profile can gather sufficiently an electorate to elect such politicians. In my sense it is the biggest challenge of any cosmopolitan politician to gather sufficiently a whole part of society stuck in the twentieth century and take it to the twenty-first without a clash—of generation that is. Thomas J. However, one can only but assume that, given the limit of his essay based only on the works of Franklin, Hume, and Voltaire , he could not go further in affirming the impact of cosmopolitanism on a larger scale.

Schlereth I think that starting a study with a definition of the subject to investigate is an analytic error to avoid. The term cosmopolitanism should not be delimitated in advance when looking at the Enlightenment period, because, otherwise, one runs the risk to look with present glasses on the past and interpret it anachronistically. But it has to be given to his credit that Schlereth writes that he tried to be critical of the cosmopolitanism he found in Voltaire, Hume and Franklin. And he evaluates where he found their account inconsistent, compromised or uncosmopolitan.

At the same time, the ideal also had since antiquity a historical life of its own which enabled the philosophe, who was aware of the classics and the intellectual climate of the eighteenth century, to confront social, economic, and political realities of that period in cosmopolitan terms. Schlereth identifies the cosmopolites of the Enlightenment as the third generation of cosmopolites, the first being the Ancients Greeks and Romans , and the second being the moderns of the Renaissance Bacon, Locke, Newton, Bayle, and Leibnitz.

Enlightenment cosmopolites assimilated these earlier characteristics of the ideal while grappling with its further implications in science and economics. Employing this legacy of past expressions of cosmopolitanism as points of reference, inspiration, and departure, the Enlightenment philosophes formulated a distinctive mental attitude that can be viewed as one of the common denominators underlying the variety of eighteenth-century thought. The sociology of an International class:. The philosophes were all, to a certain degree, educated with classical Greek and Roman lettres. Schlereth suggests that the reason why they turned to the classics is that they were looking for non religious thinking about contemporary issues.

Paris as the capital of the Enlightenment and cosmopolitanism. Many philosophes of the Enlighenment regarded Paris as the capital of cosmopolitanism and of Enlightenment. Salons were the place where trans-class intellectual exchanges were possible. Diners organised by aristocrats were the more virile equivalent of the salons organised mostly by erudite women. They were extensively exchanging ideas between each others through correspondence.

They were neither from the nobility nor the bourgeoisie. They considered themselves as forming a class of their own. Economic and political theory of World order:. However, Hume and Voltaire considered the merchants to be cosmopolites. For while they appealed to economic principles and programs that they considered universal in scope, they did so quite naturally in terms of the specific interests of the social group that they considered to be the most progressive class of their time, that is, the emerging bourgeoisie or haute bourgeoisie from which so many of them originated.

Hume and Voltaire equated economic individualism with the development of political liberty. Probably, they are at the origin of the dogma in many international organisations and political thinking, that, in order to encourage democracy and political liberty in developing countries, neo-liberalist economics should be implemented. But they professed an absolute laissez-faire and laissez-passer , i. Migration was seen as a right of Man. This definition assumes and defines cosmopolitanism as elitist, beyond the national, and abstract.

Not only that, it also referred to a unifying political community — beyond the local — under the natural law conception of freedom and equality among men. This sounds almost identical to the very same working definition provided of cosmopolitanism. However, based on this contemporary conception of cosmopolitanism as opposed to nationalism, one must assume that the latter was different from the former.

Why is that so? Moreover, important actors of the French revolution actually argued and acted in very cosmopolitan terms; and chiefly the Declaration of the rights of man and the citizen represents an important piece of practical cosmopolitics in recognising the freedom and equality of the whole humankind. Behind all this lies a need for a re-conceptualisation of the relationship between cosmopolitanism and nationalism, especially in regard to the French revolution.

This method of ontological definition is problematic for both the historian and the philosopher. For the historian, there is a risk of applying an anachronistic vision of cosmopolitanism, based on a contemporary approach of what it is — a vision biased by nationalism as argued supra — and ignoring what it has been. I guess all in all some tastes cannot be reconciled. Butter cuisine from Bretagne and Normandy in North-West France would never meet olive oil based dishes from the Mediterranean region.

It is very interesting to think about identity questions in terms of culinary traditions, of taste and food. Some fusions are always possible and new creations endless from a vast variety of products. However, they always need a solid basis in traditional and regional products, unchanged. At some point nevertheless, this fusion encounters limits. As long as it tastes good. I am back in France and have been staying for a month now.

I left about years ago and only came back a few days twice a year for season holidays to visit my parents. My contact with French politics was limited to following the news sporadically in the dailies, and I only kept ties with French culture by exploring eighteenth century literature and philosophy.

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I left partly because I felt ill-treated in France, partly because I felt I would not be able to achieve what I wanted to in a society I perceived as highly hierarchical, responding to authority, but yet constantly acting — in an immature way — against authority. Coming back was a big shock. Things are even worse and more pronounced, I think than when I left.

Or is it just because being in France I am also following the news through the radio and television? What I perceive is a society in crisis. Not only the recession and the economic crisis, which is now even worsened by the global financial crash, but also the whole society and its identity. I read in the serious and trustworthy Le Monde about how the French police is perusing at a European conference about its solid techniques of repression and anti-riot tactics for the suburbs.

The European neighbours applauded politely but off the records wondered about the necessity and efficiency of this kind of violence. Two days later a video was shown in the French media of policemen beating a young inhabitant of these suburbs who appears defenceless, and allegedly was just at the wrong place at the wrong time. A few days later, during a friendly football match between France and Tunisia, the French national anthem La Marseillaise was booed and whistled by supporters. The issue is that so many of these Frenchmen feel at odds with the French identity as displayed in mainstream media and by the authorities.

The immigration from all the countries have accumulated there over a century. From the first Spanish and Italian workers brought to die in these poisonous and polluted death-factories established around Paris, to the North African and African ones brought to reconstruct France after World War II, parked in the sixties and seventies in the cheapest possible buildings, to the more recent Africans and inhabitants from former colonies lured into employment.

However, they seem to miss the point. Barack Obama is not a candidate for a minority. He is bot a black candidate to represent the African-American.

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In my view, he would not even be able to run for the presidency if he was. He is so successful because he has always held a speech about unity. This candidate was only possible in a country were, firstly, minorities could be recognise and gain access to higher education, social positions and political representations, and, secondly, multiethnicity and multiculturalism was so widespread that a new model of commonality and unity had to be imagined.

So is it really so hard to understand why some football supporters boo the Marseillaise? Is it really the appropriate response to display a paternalistic faked anger and indignation at the reality of a failed model of French integration? To show this withdrawal to nationalist symbols, which do not mean anything to anyone any more? These statesmen are hanging to symbols from the nineteenth century, as if our society was still living the glorious days of the coming industrial age, and necessitated a social cohesion based on a strong and rigorously monolithic national mass culture.

On the other hand, people reject these symbols for this very same reason. As if the Marseillaise was the anthem of a nationalistic and patriotic emotion that only the far-right and the conservatives had the courage to display publicly. It seems to me that it is the whole French conception of the nation-state that needs to be dramatically re-investigated and thought anew. The nation is a common denominator for diversity, originally. In the early days of the French revolution it was the common concept to gather all free men as opposed to tyrants.

By the same token, the patrie was this territory on which men were free and participating to public decisions. It also allows a more open conception of society and identity. This change of paradigm may sound aloof from realities. It is not. And according to some social and economic theories, they can only thrive in towns and regions were tolerance, talent, and technology are encouraged. This means that a lot of money must be invested in the development of research and higher education, and that different education models than the one of the industrial age must be fostered.

France is not on this path. But it is a drop in the ocean. Worse, the rates are dropping while they are soaring in these countries. Budgets for research are not up to the levels they should be. France is not investing in the future. On top of this, elected officials are still functioning in the rhetoric of a Third Republic France with grandiose ideas of the French identity, values and symbols.

There is a need for a cosmopolitan state. This cosmopolitan state would reinterpret these national values and symbols, back to their pre-industrial liberal roots, in order to foster the creative economy. At the same time, there is a need to change the mentality that everyone should expect the state or public authorities to do everything.

Mallet,' she says, 'is a Republican; he is partial to our country, he loves the truth, and is a determined assertor of it. He was extremely kind to me to the last, and asked me occasionally to his house, where I have met some of the most distinguished persons of our time. In the course of some critical remarks on Voltaire's historical writings l he has given his idea of the qualifica- tions which distinguish the historian from the chronicler and romance writer : " Among his indispensable re- quirements is the power of criticising his authorities and weighing the character, views, position and trust- worthiness of previous writers, of labouring to reconcile them and to verify conjectures, dates and documents, of distinguishing between truth and probability, of confronting imposture with reason and fact ".

Voltaire as an historian hardly came up to such a standard as this. His critic does full justice to his brilliant clearness of style, to the art with which he compared or contrasted facts, to his penetrating coup d'ceil, to his unapproached faculty for marshalling events in an orderly and interesting manner ; qualities which led Lord Chesterfield to say of the Siecle de Louis XIV that while Bolingbroke had taught him how to read history, Voltaire had taught him how to write it. He had, wrote Mallet du Pan, confined his criticisms to the discussion of superstitious fables, and his doubts and researches to the region of religious credulity.

He had given but little study to laws, morality and public right, or to the political causes of the development, the fall, or the preservation of empires. He was dazzled and sub- jugated by love of the arts and of magnificence in sovereigns or princely protectors of painters and poets.

Finally for the solution of historical problems he too often fell back on the dogma of fatality, ' Dogme cruel fait pour encourager le crime, pour oter a la vertu toute son dnergie, et dont un historien sage devrait cacher les preuves '. It was not as historian only that Mallet du Pan had occasion at this time and in later years to criticise Vol- taire's ideas and defend his memory. He did both in language which shows how little permanent influence his intercourse with Voltaire had on his own modes of thought. From being provincial he became cosmopolitan. But of conformity with Voltaire's opinions in philosophy or politics it would be difficult to find a trace.

There is far more protest than agreement even in an article in which he warmly defends his dead patron against the denunciations of an anonymous correspondent. The indignant writer had attacked Voltaire's works as a ' collection d' infamies et d' ordures J and in particular accused him of having severed all the ties which bind mankind to a Divinity.

No one man more sincerely deplored the unworthy productions of his decrepitude or the monotonously indecent pleasantry with which he treated the most serious subjects ; his outrages on reve- lation and the manner in which he invariably confused the absurdities of theology with the truths of Chris- tianity ; and the terrible influence of his diatribes on public opinion. The author of the line, ' Si Dieu riexistait pas, ilfau- drait rinventer' never, he asserted, abnegated in private this doctrine of his works.


In health or sickness, gay or serious, with Christians, atheists, theists, he always professed his respect for "natural religion". As I do not wish to be robbed and murdered to-night by my servants I am anxious that all notions of God and of a future state should not be eradicated from their minds. Mais comme je ne veux pas etre egorge et vole cette nuit par mes domes- tiques il est bon qu'ils ne vous ecoutent pas " Merc.

In his account of Voltaire Mercure Britannique, , he brings out even more clearly Voltaire's attitude towards religion and the funda- mental difference between it and that of the other anti-religious schools of Paris. Cette entreprise devient pour lui un amusement, une vengeance, bientot un besoin et une passion. Tous les six mois il enfantait une diatribe. Lorsqu'il cut epuise" ses apostrophes a 1'Eglise Romaine et ses reproches au sacerdoce, il attaqua le Christianisme : toutes les communions essuyerent ses ou- trages, et il se prodama le chef Tun Thiisme dans les bases duquel il a souvent vacill'e.

Son scepticisme neanmoins conserva quelque mesure : il jugeait impolitique et dangereux de precher publiquement 1'atheisme, la materialite de 1'ame, et le neant apres la mort. This prince made no secret of the disastrous impression the work had made on his mind, and appeared an ardent proselyte of its doctrines. Voltaire in his reply confuted his doubts, concluding, ' In a word, Prince, this book appears to me pernicious both to peoples and to kings. II n'y a qu'une fureur detestable qui puisse attaquer cette religion sainte : adorez Dieu et soyez juste. He gave a striking account, in an article on the in- fluence of the philosophers on the French Revolution published in the Mercure Britannique many years later, of Voltaire's belief in monarchy, his indifference to the rights of the people, his aversion to political speculation and republican forms of government.

His l Annales, i. Fabri du Gex came in with an artist of his acquaintance, whom he wished to introduce to Voltaire. The artist was attended by a dog that followed him into the room ; and who, brushing by the chimney, knocked down the tongs and shovel, to the great annoyance of Voltaire, who, violently pulling the bell, said to the footman who came in, ' Lavigne, send up one of my carriage horses to keep company with this gentleman's dog '.

Voltaire used to say that it was a very agreeable circumstance to live under a government of which the sovereigns requested you to send your carriage for them when you asked them to dinner. He lived, observes Mallet du Pan, for fifteen consecutive years at the gates of a city in which questions of republican government were the constant subject of debate, without ever understanding the elements of them. He loved neither republican nor despotic states, but he detested the common people and dreaded their influence, though he would not syste- matically have oppressed them.

How little he thought the French fit for political liberty may be judged from his remark : ' Nous sommes une nation d'enfants mutins a qui il faut donner des fouets et des sucreries" All his inclinations and prejudices were monarchical, his sincere enthusiasm for Louis XIV. As Mallet observed : " The first chateau in flames and Voltaire would have abandoned his own and taken refuge abroad ; the 26 EARLY LIFE first head on a pike, and he would have thought himself in the days of the League and died of fright. The destruction of the Church and of religion itself would not have mitigated his terror, for much as he hated priests and the mass, he hated even more assassins, plunderers and incendiaries.

His opinion of the latter's nominal followers, of the encyclopaedists, of Diderot and d'Alembert, as well as of Condorcet and all the Illumines fanatiques whose works became the manual of Jacobinism, belongs to the revolutionary period, when he expressed it with biting directness on many occasions. We know that in his earlier years in Paris he held very much aloof from them. Philosophers with so slight a hold on the realities of life and govern- ment had no attraction for one, the practical and historical bent of whose genius was leading him more and more to distrust abstractions and to follow experience in his political and constitutional specula- tions.

He ranged himself definitely in these years of preparation under the banner of Montesquieu the founder of the new science of history, and in this fact we have the sufficient explanation of his attitude towards the Revolution. The reign of Rousseau over public opinion only began when Voltaire's ended, after the death of the two rivals in His famous theory of politics, drawn from the anarchical hypotheses of long-forgotten authors and clothed with his peculiar sentiment and incomparable eloquence, dominated from first to last the leaders of the Revolution and furnished the catch- words of the people.

It deals specially with the position of Voltaire and Rousseau. MALLET'S comments in the Annales on the War of Independence and on party government in England will serve to show that he brought to the consideration of great political affairs principles imbibed in a very different atmosphere from that of Paris, and the qualities not too commonly combined of sound judgment and moral enthusiasm.

In all he wrote for the information of his contemporaries Mallet du Pan endeavoured to record materials for history. Fact and comment alike are now as hopelessly buried in the original newspaper sheets as if they had been recorded in Chinese ; but a biographer can hardly pass over in silence judgments on passing events which reveal already in the writer the prescience and clear-sightedness extolled by Sainte- Beuve, the political capacity signalised by Taine. The time at which Mallet du Pan succeeded to the sole direction of Linguet's Annales Politiques, the beginning of the year , marked the lowest point of disaster and danger to which England had fallen since the Treaty of Utrecht in had first given her a position of supremacy in Europe.

Without an ally in the world, she was in arms against France, Spain and the American Colonies, she had just added Holland to the list of her enemies, and the armed neutrality of the North had been formed to assert the rights of neutrals against British sea power. In India Hyder AH had descended on the Carnatic and was threatening Madras ; Ireland was on the very verge of practical independence, and the Gordon riots had for some days placed London at the mercy of the mob. Worse than all, the Government was in the hands of men discredited by failures and distrusted in the country, and the spirit of faction was carried to a point which alarmed and disgusted the friends of England.

Early in followed the 1 " Vous allez," wrote Voltaire to Mallet in his journey to England in , "dans un pays devenu presque barbare par la violence des factions. The independence of America thus accomplished which seemed to imply the fall of Greater Britain, and which Seeley describes as a " stupendous event perhaps greater in itself than the French Revolution " so soon to follow, certainly forms a theme worthy of the ablest and best equipped of contemporary chroniclers. Before following him in some comments and specu- lations on this event, a word may be said on the general attitude of the writer in relation to the play of international forces and rivalries.

The late Professor Seeley made perhaps rather too much of his supposed discovery that the history of England in the eighteenth century lay not in Europe, but in Asia and America. The author of the Annales was a citizen of a small neutral State, his intellect was of the practical lucid order characteristic of the best eighteenth century thought, and his natural sympathies and tastes turned rather in the direction of efforts after freedom of thought, good government and sensible public economy, than in that of the internecine struggles for Colonial Empire and commercial monopolies which riveted the attention of the more sentimental Cambridge historian.

But even to him these struggles were full of significance, WAR AND COMMERCE 31 and if we may judge from the tone of the Annales, and even from the relative space given in its pages to the discussion of the war in America and to naval and colonial topics, contemporary writers were under no such illusion as that which Seeley made it his mission to combat in his interesting little volume on the Ex- pansion of England. The first number edited by Mallet du Pan contains a study on war in general, and on the condition of Europe as the result of the particular war in which the world was at that moment plunged, which would have delighted the heart of Cobden, but which, though perhaps somewhat academic in tone, displays an elo- quence, a philosophic insight, and a knowledge of foreign history and politics quite beyond the reach of the great free-trade statesman.

After showing that war was waged among modern States no longer with the simply avowed objects of conquering, pillaging and enslaving one another, but in order to preserve a supposed equilibrium or balance of power, he re- marks how futile these attempts necessarily were, and how they always ended in the transfer of prepon- derance, never in its destruction.

Mallet traces in a careful summary the growth of her maritime power, from its rise under Cromwell to its overwhelming ascendency under Chatham. Holland had tyran- nised over the sea in order to become the entrepot for every sort of merchandise ; England, the first to escape from this tyranny by the help of Cromwell's Navigation Act, substituted for it another, with the object of forcing upon the two worlds her manu- factures and the produce of her colonies. To found an Empire and to base the pros- perity of a country and its commerce upon the success of such a despotism, maintained by armaments, fleets and codes, is the most inconceivable project which avarice has ever suggested to ambition.

The general indignation against the " vampire " powers of England and Holland, ' ces dispensateurs ambulants du commerce, approvisionneurs altiers de l Annates, iii. Mallet du Pan was in fact an economist, not indeed of the fashionable school which monopolised that designation and which he de- molished in more than one of his articles, but of the school of Adam Smith, just about to make its first great proselyte among statesmen in the younger Pitt.

Neces- sarily therefore he realised the essential want of reason in the existing colonial and commercial systems and reprobated the ruinous struggles which for sixty years had held Europe embroiled ; and his remarks help us to realise how largely jealousy of England's success in the attempt to monopolise trade, the idea that she was a "leech gorging herself with their life blood," animated the coalition which was on the point of gain- ing a victory more nominal than real over their proud rival.

But Mallet du Pan did not allow himself to be engrossed by academic speculation, and we may now follow his description of the actual situation of the various combatants. Spain, ' ombre illustre qui se promene sur ses vastes domaines sans que les mouvements de ce spectre aient pu masquer son inanite"! The future of the American Colonies is thus before the surrender of Yorktown summed up by our writer : "Independent or not the United States will emerge from this disastrous war with the hope of profit from it.

Their commerce will be free, sooner or later it will embrace the fisheries of all their shores and of the new world and the trade in furs, it will reach to the Antilles, to the Spanish possessions, and even to the East Indies ; a line of communication will be theirs which no European fleet will be able to cut. Nature which has placed the insurgent States in the midst of the Atlantic has so ordered it ; and the moment has arrived when our continent will be forced to admit it. Of equal interest is the analysis of the situation of the two great protagonists, France and England ; of the sources of their power, and of the destinies which their history and their circumstances seemed to impose upon them.

France had experienced something like a re- surrection during the last six years. Under a king, for so he described Louis XVI. The resources of the country were im- mense, her natural wealth, the industry of her inhabi- tants, and the taste displayed in her varied manufactures, gave her a natural monopoly which made it unneces- sary to seek external commerce by arms and maritime conquests. The power of her administration and her naval force would find sufficient employment in main- taining the water ways and safeguarding the ports, and in creating a wise proportion between the arts and agriculture.

In many noble passages Mallet du Pan extols the courage, energy and strength of her great rival : " History affords no previous example of a nation of ten million souls, attacked in the four quarters of the world by a formidable league, resolute to withstand the attack, and allowing neither defeat nor waste, neither the want of men nor the burden of subsidies and loans, to shake her constancy. The inexhaustible resources of her navy and her discipline, the activity of her dockyards, the energy of her traders, the cool intrepidity which grew with danger, and her command of funds, might be enfeebled but could not be de- stroyed.

But writing after the final success of the magnificent de- fence of Gibraltar he says : 1 He remarks, however, on the insubordination which char- acterised the French navy, under De Grasse for instance, as con- trasted with the discipline of an English fleet Annales, v. After having seen her arms tarnished, her fleets everywhere outnumbered, her territory threatened on all sides and her exertions counteracted by intestine strife, Great Britain now finds herself mistress of the sea in the West Indies, in America, and in the Channel ; so far from having lost her Indian conquests she has added to them ; her flag protects a commerce extending from pole to pole, and floats without a stain in spite of the efforts of three combined Powers to lower its glory.

Without the " possession of Neptune's trident to enable her to summon fleets from the ocean at her will," how could she protect with the wings of her vessels the immense extent of her dominions? After conquests comes the necessity of defending them, and that " ne- cessity and these conquests are at this moment the greatest enemies of England; son premier malkeur est sa puissance ". The pose of a prophet is the last which Mallet du Pan's modesty and vigorous common sense would have allowed him to adopt, and on so large a subject as the possible future of two great nations he could do no more than point out the tendencies which were likely 1 Annales, iii.

But if the above extracts give at all a fair idea of his speculations, he seems to have taken a more favourable view of the immediate prospects of France as compared with England than circumstances were to justify. He seems to have thought that France, self-contained, industrious, and with all the potentiality of great natural wealth, was at least as likely as Eng- land, depending rather on the adventurous disposition of her inhabitants, and bound to pursue the perilous paths of colonial and commercial extension and naval supremacy, to hold the leading place in the coming years.

Few could have foretold, and Mallet du Pan certainly did not, the immense industrial develop- ment of Great Britain which inventive genius was to awaken, and a wise commercial policy to foster, in the coming century. Nor could the success of the great Indian experiment have been anticipated with any certainty.

Mallet du Pan had written indeed in April as follows: " The foot with which England trod the Atlantic she will now plant upon India. She will look for re- sources, for victories, and for consolations, to that im- mense domain which has been purchased with blood and treachery and despoiled by the ravages of un- bridled human nature, and Holland may well groan under the ambition which the loss of her colonies will impel England to satisfy elsewhere.

But whether or no he fully realised the part which such factors as these were to play in the growth of England, and whether, horrified by the apparent de- moralisation of her parliamentary system, he did not underrate the strength of the political constitution of the country, are questions of comparatively little moment. The event which was really to determine for a century to come the relative positions of the two countries as world powers lay still in the womb of the future, undiscernible, at all events in its conse- quences on the political system of Europe, to observers however keen-sighted.

France was even now hasten- ing with giant strides to revolution, and if we find no distinct premonition in Mallet du Pan's pages at this moment of the impending break up of the French monarchy, we must remember that he had not yet taken up his residence in Paris, and that while fully alive to the extravagance and vicious inequality of the financial system of the country, he was no doubt tem- porarily deceived l by the brilliant revival of vigour and lu Qui aurait predit," he wrote in September Mercure de France , "que la France triomphante, riche, et considered en 1 serait reMuite en a subsister de vieux cuivre, de debris de cloches, et de papier-monnaie perdant 15 pour cent dans la Capitale meme?

Que ses changes tomberaient de 25 pour cent. It is indeed difficult to over- estimate the importance of the French Revolution in its influence on the development of Great Britain. It removed from her path at the most critical moment of her advance the only power which was in a position to dispute her supremacy. It left her without a rival at sea, the one factor essential to her success and to the consolidation of her conquests in India, and it gave her a monopoly, owing not so much to the employment of the artificial restrictive measures which Mallet du Pan had so vigorously condemned as to the literal absence from various causes of effective competition, in sea-borne commerce, in the carrying trade and in industrial production ; a monopoly which she held till within the last twenty years.

Truly did Burke say of the French, "they have done their business for us as rivals in a way which twenty Ramillies or Blenheims could never have done ". Whether a period in the history of the two nations may not now have been reached in which their strength is not once again more equally balanced, and whether Mallet du Pan's analysis of the respective advantages and dangers of France and England does not in a certain degree hold good at the present moment, is a tempting subject for speculation which can hardly be touched upon.

On the one hand there is France, still, in spite of deep social divisions, one of the leading States in the world, with all her old natural superiority of territory and climate, with a population unrivalled de generaux experimentes, et que ses Ambassadeurs ne seraient plus en Europe que les te'moins de la nullite de leur Patrie? Quelle Ie9on pour la politique speculative! O vanite des raisonnements! On the other hand there is England, her special fields of supremacy in industrial production and in the carrying trade invaded by at least two great rivals with one of whom all competition is out of the question, and steadily impelled along the same path of colonial and commercial expansion dependent on naval force and ascendency which seemed to have brought her to something like ruin at the close of the War of Independence.

Is there any truth in Mallet's paradox that her misfortune lies in the very power and preponderance which condemn her " to go everywhere, to fight everywhere, to dissipate forces which would be invincible if they were concentrated, to depopulate her fields, her ports and her factories, and to support in the midst of opulence a debt of which no one can foresee the limits "? One thing at least is certain, that in any fresh crisis of her fortunes Great Britain is not likely to be assisted by any such cataclysmal event as the French Revolution, that her path will not be smoothed by the weakness of her rivals, and that she will be indebted alone for safety to the energy of her national character and institutions, to the loyalty of her dependencies, and to the wisdom of her statesmanship.

Mallet du Pan is never tired of contrasting the energy and courage of England with the ' affaissement absolu ' into which Holland had sunk, and the reasons he gives for the "inconceivable pusillanimity" of her conduct are, in the first place, that the commercial spirit had proved incompatible with patriotism, that the habits and tastes of the counting-house had debased national character and destroyed public spirit ; and in the second place, and this was the principal cause that the spirit of faction had paralysed her councils. The ancient wisdom of the Republic had expired in the attempt to preserve a balance between the rival powers of the constitution, and foreign policy was perpetually sacrificed to the views of the warring cabals of the Stadholderate, the Magis- tracy, and the Regencies of Amsterdam and the other provinces.

Might he not have added another possible cause of discouragement in the evident hopelessness of striving to preserve a colonial monopoly against antagonists so overwhelmingly superior in strength? Whatever sources of weakness may exist in the England of to-day, there are at all events two very marked points of distinction.

British commercial and colonial supre- macy has not been a tyranny, but a source of material prosperity which she has fully shared with all her com- petitors. The fall of the system therefore would inflict as great a loss upon them as upon herself, and they have the strongest reasons for desiring the maintenance of the only great open market in existence.

And further, the man who leads the country in an hour of need will have ready to his hand, instead of warring constitutional elements, the most supple and powerful instrument of rule which democracy has yet evolved. With all qualifications, however, the problem confronting Great Britain in the twentieth century is perhaps not wholly unlike that which Holland failed to solve in the eighteenth, that of combining commercial democracy with empire, a problem of which Mallet du Pan had in discerned some of the essential conditions.

We have noticed the admiration extorted from Mallet du Pan by the heroic energy and perseverance of the King and his ministers, supported year after year by Parliament and the country, in a cause with which he must have had but little sympathy. He had divined the reasons which in spite of defeats and growing finan- cial embarrassment made the position of Great Britain in reality far less critical than it seemed. He put his finger on the essential fact of the situation when he pointed out the successful guardianship by the British squadrons of the return of the rich cargoes of the Baltic, the Hudson, the sugar islands and the East Indies to the seaports of the United Kingdom, there to swell private fortunes and to pour fresh resources into the depleted coffers of the State.

As long as this circula- tion of wealth lasted he saw that England would main- tain her existence and her activity ; and he ridiculed accordingly the "innocent babble" of the coffee houses which had already annihilated her in anticipation. Whatever doubt may have existed whether she might not, especially after Rodney's great victory and the relief of Gibraltar, have brought the struggle to a more favourable conclusion and even have preserved a nominal connection with her exhausted and distracted colonies, was set at rest by the attitude of the Opposition just about to be transformed into a Government, by the working of the party system and the play of faction in Parliament.

This aspect of the question now fascinated the attention of Mallet du Pan, who, during the whole period, followed in detail the action and speeches of the party leaders in England with the object of setting before his readers a picture of the spirit, the eloquence, and the divisions of the British Parliament. Long before the French Revolution was to make him famous as the pitiless analyst and critic of the Jacobin spirit, the unwearying opponent of revolutionary methods, he had learnt to distrust the incendiary teachings of the fashionable phrasiers of the day by watching their effect in those homes of ancient freedom, the Genevese and Dutch Republics.

We have noted his attitude 1 He commented on the extreme difficulty for a foreigner of fol- lowing events in England, on the uncommunicativeness of the English and their proud contempt for foreign chroniclers, and on the hap- hazard character of their newspapers. Only an Englishman in the confidence of ministers and departments, and conversant with English commerce, law and finance could properly engage in the task of recounting the course of events, and such an Englishman would better employ his time.

In these circumstances Mallet du Pan's penetration and accuracy are the more noteworthy. He had commented on the loquacity which had ac- companied the American Revolution, on the habit of "perorating and dissertating" which had characterised the founders and orators of the new Republic. Illustrious eighteenth century, thy motto has been traced by Sallust in the portrait of Catiline, satis sapienticz parum I " Little wonder if, with such sentiments as these, he perused the debates preceding and following the fall of Lord North with growing horror and disgust at the unpatriotic and indecent violence of the Whig factions, an attitude which, reproduced in the French revolu- tionary war, was to cost them forty years of power ; or that, " anti-imperialist " as he was, and opposed as we have seen him to be to the commercial and political ideas which inspired the war, he writes with far more sympathy of the fallen Ministry than of their opponents.

The successors of the old Whigs, " defenders of disputed rights, warding off oppression with one hand, with the other building up the ramparts of public freedom," had changed their character as the constitution had taken shape. Having no longer natural rights to assert, they were now, in Opposition, a mere hors cFceuvre of the constitution, whose occupation it was to harangue against the conduct and opinions of ministers in order to advertise them- selves, and to oppose them, not because they were wrong, but because they were in power.

Convinced of the determination of the king to stand by his advisers, the Opposition had latterly thrown restraint to the winds. Still he speaks with constant alarm of the " dangerous fury " of party spirit in England, and it is of interest to be reminded of the undoubted influence which its manifestation in this case exerted on the fortunes of the country.

The problem which a public man has to solve as to when it is his duty to express his opinions and when to be silent, is one which will largely depend on the circumstances of the moment and on the prevailing standard of public morality and national feeling. In 1 The purely military aspect of the struggle is of great interest, especially in view of the recent successful conclusion of a war of somewhat similar character in South Africa.

The following descrip- tion of it by Mallet in brings out some points of resemblance. The chief points of difference are of course the absence of general- ship on the British side in the American war, the far greater difficul- ties of communication, and above all the fact of foreign intervention by land and sea. On y aperc,oit deux points lumineux. Annates, i. The following is Mallet du Pan's conception of what the behaviour of the Opposition should have been, contrasted with what it was : " Expelled from office, the same men who had co- operated in the bills for the taxation of America became the most active advocates of their abandonment.

When Parliament refused to retrace its steps, they anathema- tised the war which, once it had been solemnly approved by the sovereign, each of its members should have accepted in silence. If the Opposition leaders had been worthy of the name of patriot so universally and so vainly prostituted after having defended at Westminster the cause of America, they should, the moment that cause had become a hostile one, have devoted themselves to the cause of England.

Far from showing any such heroic docility, nothing came from their lips but the violence of revolt. They applied themselves, with all the zeal, per- severance and activity which the country expected in vain to be employed in obedience to the wishes of the sovereign, to the task of denouncing the forces under arms and of obstructing their success, of discouraging public spirit, of fanning the excitement of the insurgents, and stimulating their courage by revealing to them the existence in the metropolis of a party ready to support them, in a word to rendering their unnatural strife as disastrous as it has proved to be.

Determined champions of the colonists and more ardently desirous of their en- franchisement than Congress itself, they recognised and preached independence before the United States had thought of it themselves, and they have loaded ministers with contumely for disasters of which they themselves were the real authors. A continental journalist, he remarks, paid to scrape together defamatory intelligence, would take a fortnight to elaborate against the British Govern- ment the charges with which a single oration by Mr.

Fox would furnish him. Mallet du Pan did not disguise his distrust ; and he does not seem to have been much more favourably impressed by Burke's "inconceivable diatribes". But he pays a tribute to those Whigs who had abstained from the noisy violence of the more prominent party : to the lawyer-like integrity of Camden ; to Conway, superior to all mean personal motives ; to Lord John Cavendish, " of a house in which probity, honour and patriotism are hereditary " ; to Keppel ; to Dunning ; and finally to Lord Shelburne, ' dleve, emule, copiste meme, de Lord Chatham, soldat d Alexandre devenu roi apres sa mort] influential from his talents, his connections, and the splendour of his private life ; the tortuosities of whose political course, however, Mallet du Pan did not endeavour to follow.

The Annales contain some interesting comments on the inquiries into the conduct of military operations which, constantly proposed, were burked as far as pos- sible by the Government and used by the Opposition to extol the inculpated commanders at the expense of a blundering Ministry, and he contrasts the conduct of the Whigs during this war with their behaviour during Lord Chatham's Administration, when, anxious to sustain the credit of the Government, they were untiring in support of Pitt's severest measures against unfortunate officers.

His general attitude has indeed already been indicated. He was astonished and scandalised at the revulsion of public opinion which overthrew Lord North and produced in Parliament a positive ''famine de la paix] an indecent eagerness to surrender all that the country had fought for. A dignified termination indeed was perhaps im- 1 The recall of Rodney by the Rockingham Government after his ever-memorable defeat of De Grasse was the necessary result of the attacks which the Whigs had made upon him when in Opposition, and the admiral of the Tories was sacrificed quite as much to party resentment as to indignation at his disgraceful pillage of St.

Eustatius, an event which our author stigmatises as it deserves, while doing full justice to the admiral's career in an excellent study of his character and his exploits. However clearly we may see that the position had become untenable and that a nominal connection with ruined and exasperated colonies was not worth the undoubted risk of continuing the war, we may yet sympathise with the frame of mind which dictated the following words : " There is no patriotic man to whom the abandonment of America would not have appeared a calamity only inferior to the continuation of the war, a calamity, however, which was susceptible of alleviation in the clauses of the final treaty.

It would not have crossed his mind to desire a sacrifice as complete and burdensome as possible, or to reject in advance the possibility of compensations," the course actually taken by that part of the Opposition which specially piqued itself on its public spirit. The terms of peace as finally settled marked what may well have seemed to less perspicacious contempo- raries the definitive fall of the country from the splendid position she had gained by the treaty of The vindication by half a hemisphere of its independence, as Mallet du Pan remarked itself one of the greatest events of the eighteenth century, stamped this treaty as the most important in its consequences since the peace of Westphalia, which had consecrated after thirty years of warfare the destruction of the political system of Charles V.

As far as they went the advantages in the present case were with the allies. As for profit perhaps none can be claimed by any of them. Voltaire has described the faction fights of Geneva and the character of the people in the lines Chacun ecrit, chacun fait son projet On repre'sente et puis on repre'sente A penser creux tout bourgeois se tourmente. The struggle between the natifs on the one side and the aristocracy and bourgeoisie on the other had changed its character since Mallet's first intervention in Mallet, " and can only say that a work conducted with such critical spirit, and so much political independence, would at this day be instantly sup- pressed if published in any part of Switzerland.

So much for the comparative style of the press in and In this contest the Council was certainly no longer the most imperious or exacting party, and it had become essential, if any sort of balance was to be preserved and civil freedom to continue to exist, that some compromise should be found which, while limiting the encroachments of the powers of the Government, might set bounds to the indiscretion of democratic zeal.

Mallet du Pan accord- ingly, who had hitherto scrupulously refrained from any political action, broke silence in with proposals for conciliation, 1 including the introduction of the prin- ciple of irremovability in public employments, in which he and the most enlightened of his compatriots saw a chance of safety. That the pamphlet recommended itself to moderate minds is equivalent in a time of revo- lution to saying that its advice fell on deaf ears, and events proceeded until an appeal of the Council to the Powers which guaranteed the Genevese constitution, the Swiss Cantons and France, precipitated a revolu- tionary outbreak on the night of the 8th April , when the reprhentants and the armed mob gained an almost bloodless victory and threw into prison the sena- torial party and their friends.

To this event probably belongs a note which Mallet appended to a belated number of the Annales containing an interesting study of the Confessions of Rousseau. An inconceivable event which has plunged a portion of the inhabitants of the city into alarm and captivity has made me a prisoner of war in my native State.

In such a situation a man must be more of a philosopher than I can pretend to be to keep a cool head. I ask pardon of the public for the feebleness of this number. My only wonder is that I have been able to finish it at all. Each line has cost me an effort. I had never imagined that I should live to deplore having fixed the seat of my labours in a republic! Active intervention soon followed, an army of 10, Swiss Savoyard and French troops appeared before the walls, and, with the rest of the citizens, Mallet du Pan was, we are told, many a time called away from his writing-table to mount guard on the ramparts of the city.

The ap- proach of the Powers only stimulated the excitement of the people, but the general alarm at last induced the provisional Government to send a deputation to the quarters of the Comte de la Marmora who was at the head of the Savoyard troops, and who was well known and trusted in Geneva. It drew upon him a furious attack from the extremists of both parties and particularly from Brissot, the revolutionary champion with whom he was destined to break many a lance in later days.

It would be difficult to exaggerate the influence of these events on his political ideas, they finally disillusioned him with republican government as such, and taught him a lesson in democracy which left indelible traces on his mind, and must partly account for the marvellous prescience with which he judged from its opening days the prob- able course of the French Revolution. About this time Linguet emerged from the Bastille, an event warmly welcomed in the Annales until his vanity and jealousy led him into an unwarrantable and ungenerous attack on Mallet du Pan, and finally opened his eyes to the character of his eccentric co-editor.

From March , therefore, Mallet carried on the work under the new title of Memoires historiques, 1 Annales , vol. Political journalism on the Continent, or at least the wide circulation of gazettes containing political criticism and news, may be said to date from the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes ; and Holland, the refuge of all who had suffered from religious or political persecu- tion, was its headquarters.

The journals published there in the French language were of two sorts, those which like the famous Gazette d Amsterdam or Gazette de Hollande vehicule, as Bayle described it, de toutes les m'edisances de I' Europe], foreign papers written in French as the political language of Europe, were habitually hostile to France ; and secondly those which were written specially for French readers, French papers published abroad because their publication in France was not allowed.

Both kinds, but especially the latter, whether unauthorised or allowed as a result of financial contract with the Foreign Office, were widely circulated in France before the Revolution, and supple- 1 The Annales had been carried on under his sole control since the beginning of , and thirty-six numbers in five volumes had been published ; the Memoires formed another volume often numbers. The account given in the text indicates the character of the work and its importance in the history of continental journalism; that it found a certain amount of public favour is clear from the fact that a translation was printed periodically in Florence, as well as two pirated editions in Switzerland and in the Netherlands, and that although it was forbidden in France it had a certain circulation in that country.

The beginning of the century had indeed seen the establishment of the Journal de Verdun, the first French newspaper which treated in however discreet a fashion of history and passing events, and of the Mercure, founded in the preceding century as the Mercure galant which later developed as the Mercure de France into a literary and miscellaneous journal of great importance and politically became an official paper of the type of the Gazette.

But it was the enterprise of the great publisher Panckoucke, son of a bookseller and writer of Lille who arrived in Paris to pursue his father's calling in , which first made serious political journalism possible in France, and he owed his success in this respect, as we shall see, to his discernment in the choice of Mallet du Pan for the editorship of his new venture in connection with the Mercure de France.

At the time of which we are speaking Panckoucke had fully established his position as the business head of French literature. He had been the publisher of the encyclopaedia and of Buffon's works, and he had amassed a large fortune while behaving with noble generosity to men of letters who owed to him a sensible amelioration of their hitherto unfortunate condition. He thus, as his brother-in-law Suard relates, became the friend and equal of the men of genius for whom his presses were at work, and his splendid houses, in Paris near the old Comedie Fran9aise and the Cafe Procope, and at the Bois de Boulogne, were the centre of a distinguished literary and artistic circle ; while his relations with men like Rousseau, Buffon, and Voltaire, 58 WORK IN PARIS whose writings had become affairs of state, brought him into relationship with ministers.

His journalistic ventures alone must have ensured him more than enough attention from the Government, for he had control of the two official journals, the Gazette and the Mercure. In he had obtained permission to print in Paris a Journal historique et politique, known until the Revolution as the Journal de Geneve ; and soon after, buying up some competing papers, he consolidated them under the title of Journal de Bruxelles, as editor of which we have seen that he introduced Linguet to journalism.

He now decided to unite to the Mercure de France the political journal which appeared weekly under the double title of Journal de Bruxelles and Journal historique et politique de Geneve, and offered Mallet du Pan the editorship 1 of the latter, reserving x By the contract signed in March , Mallet du Pan was to receive as salary 7, livres a year, and 1, livres in addition for articles in the literary portion of the Mercure about , a year , with an addition of one livre for every copy sold over 10, a remuneration which Mr.

Hatin describes as marking the high value put upon his services. Under this contract he seems to have received between 9, and 10, francs a year. Subsequent arrangements, as the circulation grew and the political portion became increasingly important, raised the editor's remuneration, until in Panckoucke, in acknowledgment of the " constant success " of the journal since under Mallet's management, raised his salary to 12, francs a year, with 2, francs for every 1, additional subscriptions, and promised a pension to him if incapacitated, or to his widow in case of his death.

And in the proprietorship of the Mercure historique et politique, whether published at Brussels or elsewhere, was divided between Mallet and Panckoucke. In Panckoucke engaged to pay him a salary of 18, francs. It may be added that during the whole period of their connection, and even after it had ceased, the relationship of Mallet du Pan and Panc- koucke and their families remained on the most cordial and friendly footing.

The following boyish recollections of Panckoucke and his family by Mallet's son may here be quoted : " M. Panckoucke had a son, afterwards a distin- guished man of letters, and two daughters ; the son the youngest of the three ; all clever children, for whose education no expenses were spared, who had access to collections of prints and drawings and to a fine Panckoucke protested that it caused him a loss in , and when Mallet left Paris in the spring of his salary was in arrear. In reply to his applications Panckoucke wrote in describing the ruin which, in spite of his efforts by starting journals on the revolu- tionary side, such as the Moniteur, had overtaken him, and pitifully begging for time to defray his debt.

The first contract gave Mallet in addition books and engravings and works of art and of industry which came in for notice, Panckoucke reserving only the music. It is necessary to add that a less scrupulous editor might easily have enriched himself by Government pensions and gratuities. From this date till its demise in the Journal de Geneve was apparently published also separately in Geneva. Panckoucke himself, an odd, clever man, with some genius and no small eccentricity of character, took great pains to cul- tivate their tastes, and at a later period of his life, when the Revolution had destroyed his princely fortune, and nearly turned his brain, he wrote a grammar of the French language for the use of his son, which is a work of considerable merit.

An intercourse with this family ought to have been a great advantage to us, as we lived within a short walk of each other ; 1 but when we met it was to play at hide-and-seek in the garden passages and staircase of the Hotel de Thou, and not to compare notes of our studies. The number published on Saturday 3oth June , to choose almost at random, began of course with the literary or real Mercure.

It opened with a few short pieces of verse, in this case some lines on Le Temps present, followed by an elaborate acrostiche by several writers, a charade, an enigma, and a logogriphe. Then followed a long review by Mallet du Pan of a history of Queen Elizabeth by Mdlle de Keralio, a criticism under the head Spectacles of a drama entitled Tarare, and under the head Varietes a semi-serious causerie on the gxickets or passages leading from one quarter of Paris to another, a letter to the editors on an exhibition of pictures by art students, and short notices of books, engravings and music.

The Journal politique, which forms the second portion, contains articles on correspondence from Vienna, from Frankfort, and from Madrid, with various items of news; one from London, which happens to be of no particular interest, commenting on the health of the Prince of Wales, the movements of ships of war and the launch of the Orion, the speech of the Viceroy of Ireland proroguing Parliament given in full , on Mr.

Le tyrannicide dans l'Europe moderne

Pitt's departmental economies, and on a visit of the royal family to Mr. Whitbread's brewery 'etablissement prodigieux! Under the head of "France" which generally begins with court intelligence such as signatures by the royal family of the contracts of marriage of the nobility, presentations and appoint- ments there is a royal order rbglemenfy on finance and commerce, an account of a fire at the Tuileries, of certain architectural work in Paris, of a sitting of the Academy of Arras, and the text of the Treaty of Commerce between France and Russia, and items on the Rentes and Loteries.

The number ends with an article on political events in the Netherlands. Mallet's son has left an account of the life led by the writer in Paris, unfortunately wanting in minuteness which is not supplied by the diary kept by Mallet du Pan himself. As time went on his life clearly became less isolated BufTon was one of the few eminent men of this time whom he seems to have known intimately , and he occupied himself in studying the public life of Paris in many aspects, visiting prisons and institutions of all kinds. But the life of the man was his work, and it is useless to look for picturesque or amusing details such as many other memoirs of the time supply.

My father as a man of letters had access to a large and distinguished circle, but he availed himself very sparingly of this advantage. His life was laborious, he took regular exercise, and had but little leisure for the literary and fashionable coteries of Paris, the moral atmosphere of which was not congenial to his tastes and habits. Edu- cated with simplicity, and under the influence of moral feelings, he looked with no favourable eye on the luxuri- ous and loose course of life of the higher classes in Paris, and was perhaps too much inclined to treat with contempt the philosophical pretensions of the salons.

He had been accustomed at Geneva to great freedom of opinion and speech, and wanted that easy and graceful acquiescence which can alone make us acceptable guests at the tables of the great. My father likewise laboured under some disadvantages in his intercourse with the men of letters of Paris ; for, independently of his being a sort of intruder in that field, where many of them reaped a harvest of pensions and laurels, they did not see without jealousy one of their most valuable literary stalls filled by a stranger ; nor did the earnestness of his opinions harmonise with the general tone of French conversation.

A better school of opinion prevailed at that time than when Diderot and D'Holbach's parties reigned supreme. Suard and Marmontel were moder- ate and reasonable men ; but the Encyclopedic was still high on the horizon, and a young Genevese who ventured to dispute its decisions was not likely to meet with much indulgence. Nor was my father more for- tunate in his politics ; for he was shocked on the one hand with the levity of the people, the profligacy of the higher classes, the arbitrary tone and measures of the Government, and on the other, did not see with- out surprise and fearful anticipations, those searching questions which arose out of the American war brought SOCIAL LIFE 63 to the bar of every drawing-room.

The manner in which these questions were discussed, and the opinions which generally prevailed on political subjects, were so much at variance with the Government de facto, and the demoralised state of society ; so inconsistent with everything that was, that my father, although born a Republican, and sensitively alive to the blessings of freedom, often found himself checking that spirit of in- discriminate innovation which seemed ready to break through all restraints.

His notes on passing events, from to , confirm the impressions generally entertained of the low estimate in which the French Government was held at the period immediately pre- ceding the Revolution, and its apparent unconscious- ness of the contempt in which it was held. The court and ministers went on with their worn-out machinery, interfering in every way with the press, with courts of justice, and private rights ; issuing Lettres de Cachet, and bold enough against individuals, but wavering and irresolute in all measures of real moment, distributing pensions and gratuities to literary men, almost all en- gaged in pulling down the old fabric ; and on the eve of a Revolution so pregnant with calamities, the people apparently as light-hearted as in the gayest times of the Monarchy.

Gluck and Picini, Cagliostro, and the 'Manage de Figaro,' successively engrossing the public mind! Such times were full of subjects for observation to a man of sense and political discernment, and if my father's daily occupations had been less urgent, his temperament more calm, and the interest he took in the Revolution of a less intense and painful nature, he might have collected and left valuable memoirs. The rapid progress of events furnished ample materials for a periodical publication ; but although my father did not feel the irksome necessity of enlarging upon trifling circumstances, and of substituting conjectural observa- tions for facts, so frequently the lot of periodical writers, the importance and interest of daily occurrences, and the mass of information which flowed from every quarter 64 WORK IN PARIS required his undivided attention ; and the analysing these materials for the press, the distinguishing how far party feelings might prevail over truth, and the com- menting with spirit and discrimination on the occur- rences of the week, was a task of great labour and difficulty.

The talent for a quick and powerful analysis is not uncommon in this country ; but independently of the superiority of the Mercure as a periodical work, there is a marked difference between an avowed and an anonymous publication. My father's name was affixed to his writings, whereas the London periodical publications are nearly all anonymous.

Still greater difficulties, however, stood in my father's way. From the time that he undertook the political part of the Mercure, in the year , to the period of the Re- volution, a most rigid and capricious censorship left him in a state of complete uncertainty as to the fate of the sheets prepared for publication. He entertained upon many great questions, both of home and foreign policy, opinions altogether at variance with those of the Government.

Few numbers of the Mercure, there- fore, escaped the severe scrutiny of the censors ; and I have heard him say, that in consequence of the sup- pression of entire articles, he was frequently under the necessity of supplying many pages of new matter within a few hours of going to press! The facts are connected with so much method and with such scrupulous exactness that the news of the different kingdoms is given in the form of materials ready for use as history, and their description applies more particularly to the account of English affairs.

ARTICLES IN THE MERCURE 65 publication, but for a writer of Mallet's historical turn of mind the restriction may have been less irksome than it seemed, and he was at all events enabled to realise in a more satisfactory manner than before his ideal of the more important functions of the journalist, that of distinguishing between truth and falsehood, and presenting important facts in their proper perspective.

The volumes which contain his articles at this period are doubtless less interesting to the general reader than the Annales in which he was free to comment on political events ; but the years which the writer was now to spend in sifting and studying European affairs must have immensely ripened his judgment and in- creased his store of knowledge.

In foreign affairs, as we shall see, he was allowed rather more freedom than in domestic matters, except where the Government had some line of policy or intrigue to advocate, and he possessed the art which served him well of confining his comments to short but illuminating paragraphs, and of enlivening the course of his narrative by summary observations which gave it meaning and supplied food for reflection. By a curious contradiction also, the literary part of the Mercure was comparatively free from this censorship ; and in his articles on philo- sophic, economic, and historical works, Mallet was ac- cordingly able to introduce the larger treatment of political affairs, the absence of which had hitherto kept French journalism at so great a distance from periodical writing in England and even in Germany.

In all his writing from this time may be found the note of almost exaggerated distrust of theorists, 1 of hostility to meta- 1 Cf. This atti- tude, however, sprang from no indifference to the real interests and condition of the people. In an article, for instance, on a project for establishing new hospitals in Paris we find him asking why the sufferings of the people seem to increase with the external prosperity of States ; he continually dwells on the intolerable burden of taxation on the poor caused by bad laws : he lauds the growth of religious toleration in Europe, and notices with satisfaction the profound humanity which had distinguished the debates in the House of Com- mons on the proposal to repeal the Test and Corpora- tion Acts, and the commencement of Wilberforce's noble campaign against slavery.

Nor was his sym- pathy with free institutions the less sincere because he refused to take words for realities and identify free- dom with the forms of a republic, or because he had come to see in a limited monarchy the best guarantee for the security and happiness of a State. The horrors of the Revolution led him in to repeat the maxim which, as he then said, had for fifteen years guided his thoughts : For forms of government let fools contest Whate'er is best administered is best.

But Mallet's thoughts turned with in- creasing admiration to England l where the dangers both domestic and external which had seemed to threaten her very existence were vanishing one by one under the vivifying rule of Chatham's "astonishing" son. In his alarm at the violence of party and the instability of Governments, he had but half suspected the resources of a constitution which, after three Cabinet revolutions, gave England an administration proof against assault and strong in the confidence of both King and people, just at the moment when it was necessary to lay afresh the foundations of the national power.

He watched with wonder the re-establishment of the finances, the activity of the legislature, the growth of the population, the progress of invention and industry, and the exten- sion of commerce. The general confidence in the fore- sight and talents of the Minister and the suspension of party strife taught him that faction lost half its danger in a country where party differences were not differences of irreconcilable principle.

He followed their speeches from this 1 " II est a remarquer," he writes in his diary, " que les trois Puis- sances qui ont servi les insurgents centre les Anglais ont e"te toutes trois abimees par cette intervention qui devrait ecraser 1'Angleterre, tandis que celle-ci s'est eleve'e au plus haut degre de prosperite, d'union, de' commerce, de navigation, d'amelioration dans ses finances.