Thus, he lets us infer the possibility of a greater proximity with Gilberto Freyre's ideas and perspective. Another important aspect is that the Capistrano portrayed in this text is more likely an intellectual given to Spencer's determinisms, or belonging to a 'positivist school', than the 'German' Capistrano methodical presented by Rodrigues later. The emphasis on a methodical training akin to Ranke's German historical science, for instance, would be the predominant trait in the characterization of the master of Brazilian historiography in the text "Capistrano de Abreu e a historiografia brasileira," of In this text, Rodrigues values the brief mention by Capistrano, in a letter of to the baron of Studart, to Ranke's work.
After the arrival of the 20 th century, Capistrano would have let himself be guided by Ranke's seminar methods and by Ratzel's anthropogeographical doctrine, following the critical-philological method of weighting testimonies and researching sources, their authenticity and credibility, cleansing, so to say, the documents of all suspicion. If we compare the positivist school, to which Capistrano was linked until he learned German, with the historians of historical realism, with whom he came to associate It is neither any text nor any testimony that should serve to the historian, it is only that one which passed the rigorous exam of historical criticism.
What does all that mean? Firstly, it is only too evident that in no line of the quoted article-review of does he use the term 'historiography' to speak of Capistrano de Abreu, as he did when speaking of the historiographical renovation stemming from a culturalist interpretation of History. He speaks of history and a historian, that is, our greatest historian, or the most authentic historian we have, but he does not say anything about the historiographical change in a text that, instead of enthroning the greatest Brazilian historian, as he repeated over and over, criticized him and paid homage to the line of interpretation followed by Gilberto Freyre and Rodrigues himself at the time.
His admiration for the work of the "master of Apipucos", however, was strong enough, almost filial, despite the praise of Capistrano. Praise that, at the limit, appeared just as a necessary part of his discourse to his readers, since by doing so his small pieces of criticism, would perhaps not hurt the feelings of his audience, which Rodrigues knew well who would be. So, I believe that his vision of historiography was not yet constituted in its horizons in the way he would, later, systematize it in the form of a project. The image of the 'modern' historian, the greatest of all, Capistrano de Abreu, was already a constant, which he knew how to use and with which he would dialogue, for it was also shared by a major part of the intelligentsia of the time.
Nevertheless, there was not a clear interest on Rodrigues' part in a narrative of a history of History; what prevailed was Freyre's perspectives and the contributions of Cultural Anthropology for what historiography produced then. In , after a brief encounter with William Berrien in Rio de Janeiro to solve some issues related to Rodrigues' participation in the preparation of the Handbook of Brazilian Studies , an invitation to study for about a year in the United States came up. When he got there, Rodrigues was invited by Professor Frank Tannenbaum and audited the course "Introduction to historical studies", given by Charles W.
Cole, in which questions about the theories, methods, philosophies of history, and especially, historiography or 'history of history', came to mean a lot to Rodrigues. Historiography, as he understood it, would be one of the central elements of this formation, since it was through it that young students could learn to write History correctly, and also based on the contact with the 'great masters' of the past.
Regarding contemporary Brazilian historical production, Rodrigues threw himself into evaluating and acknowledging or not the historiographical production in the country. This can be noticed in two articles called "Brazilian historiography in " and "Brazilian historiography in ", which, together with some other texts, have become particularly eloquent.
At the end of his examination of the year , Rodrigues indicates some measures which he thinks are urgent and which "might free and fecundate" Brazilian historiography. To him, if and only if the adequate professional training of historians is established in the undergraduation courses of History, in which courses on methodology of history and historiography would be mandatory, the knowledge of methods, of the nature of historical evidence, and of the auxiliary sciences could contribute to the "ripening of Brazilian historiography".
Similarly, "the integral publication of unpublished documents, knowledge of the evolution of research and its methods, of historiography, and a better contact with the great classic works, ours or foreign, would make it possible to prepare new historians and avoid the autodidactism which has such harmful effects". So that, to conclude, he said that the preparation of guides, catalogues, indices, and bibliographies was fundamental to the knowledge of the "treasures we have and the ones we need to have sent us from Europe".
These demands met, he closed at last by saying that "we would prepare the turnabout of Brazilian historiography. That is, what he was proposing would be a total 'modernization' of the History of Brazil. How would it take effect? Through a university education ruled by critical norms of 'universal validity', which Rodrigues believed was the method of History, and the knowledge of historiography - precisely the courses he knew in the United States.
Allying these 'needs' author's term to more serious investments in the publication of documents and annotated indices of archives and libraries , and in the adequate coordination of researches, following the example of what Rodrigues stressed was the custom in Europe. After , Rodrigues started to occupy himself with the identification of an intellectual lineage of Brazilian historians. By Brazilian historians one should understand: the great and lesser masters who had contributed to the writing of history in Brazil, or, better still, to the writing of the History of Brazil.
Considering his not very optimistic diagnosis of what was being written in terms of history in the country, Rodrigues began to invest more and more seriously in his search for a lineage of true Brazilian historians. In his view, this lineage would descend from Varnhagen 'Father and Master' , pass through Capistrano greatest disciple and, then, 'Master' , arriving at Rodolfo Garcia and Affonso Taunay 'disciples' that also became 'masters' , among others. The importance of methodology in research was the criterion of selection and judgment of his masters.
Thus, he asserted that Varnhagen would have been "in fact" the one responsible for the secularization of Brazilian history, till then "just a demonstratio evangelica and its interpretation a strictly theological task". He would have been, therefore, the one who transformed those sermons of "priests absorbed in ecclesiastical history" into narratives of "civil and political facts, supported by good material sources". The revolution in Brazilian historiography was done.
To Rodrigues, therefore, Varnhagen "received the influence of those who began the Monumentae Germaniae Historica of Ranke and his disciples, who edited the most authorized collection of documental sources", but he had been forgotten for a long time or was "reproved or even taken advantage of in secrecy by those who felt his undeniable authority". The pattern of a plot woven with the thread of the importance of methodology in research discovery of unknown facts and sources would be synonym, in Rodrigues' reading of it, of grandiosity, authority, professionalism, trust, and deservedness of respect and recognition, 21 that is, of a deserved place and guaranteed prominence in this "history of Brazilian research".
Garcia and Taunay, therefore, would belong to this tradition, as the two "great disciples" of Capistrano and, consequently, of Varnhagen. In the author's terms, "these two great historians [Garcia and Taunay] represent the genuine current which since Varnhagen has urged for the improvement of the material, be it in the archive, discovered for immediate use, be it edited according to the rigorous norms established by German methodology". Thus, he continued,. Rodolfo Garcia and Affonso Taunay learned with Capistrano de Abreu and soon became masters in this same line of so valuable results.
Capistrano, when he died, could tell them as Ranke had told his disciples in you fulfill my professor's glory. The fecund industriousness, exemplary diligence, and authenticity of researches soon revealed the two historians, who the Master, for our benefit, had formed. In , already in THB, Rodrigues characterized periodization as one of the most important and difficult undertakings of historians. When emphasizing the importance of discussions about periodization at IHGB, for example, he does not only underlines one of the concerns of these intellectuals, but also, pari passu , offers a birth certificate for the modern Brazilian historiography he projected.
Applying this perspective to the writing of the History of Brazil, in terms of a periodization of the first historical books, Rodrigues announces that the historical research in the country had been developed since the foundation of IHGB, "our main stimulator of historical studies". He also outlines, parallel to it, a periodization for his lineage, stemming from IHGB, for this would have been the first center of historical research in the country, inspired, said he, "by the best and most correct principles that had just been launched by the German school" Rodrigues, PHB, , p.
Another example of this can be found in the comments about Karl F. Idea which, as said above, prioritized Freyre's perspectives. This change - it is worth mentioning - would not only be part of a chronological organization of his periodization in narrative terms, but also an index of a possible reconfiguration of Capistrano de Abreu's place and function, according to a project that showed signs of organization.
But this does not mean only that Capistrano would be the most important. All of Capistrano's relationship with this project would be linked to the narrative plot it wove, whose sense would be given by Rodrigues' project. This past pointed out to what, in his present, not only was being consolidated as his perspective and his projects, but also allowed him to refer to 'yesterday', seeking to establish a lineage to which he associated his vision of a Research Institute, that is, the future of historical research in Brazil.
The way Rodrigues read Capistrano's writings deepened in the years that followed the publication of THB. An obituary is, first of all, an eulogy to the memory of a recently deceased intellectual, a portrait, so to say, painted with words. Nevertheless, in spite of Capistrano's having rendered Varnhagen high praise, pointing him out as a great example to follow and honor, 23 he took advantage to create a space for himself. When praising what Varnhagen had done, he mentioned what he did not do, or what his writing missed in aesthetical terms.
Thus, said Rodrigues,. Capistrano de Abreu felt the spiritual need of seeking, under critical methods of research, the roots of our true epochs, distinct, unique, and singular. His periodization is not only objective, empirically based on facts and material sources, but sociological. And it is here, then, that he observes a fundamental deficiency in Varnhagen, his lack of philosophical perception. And it is here, when he adopts these great divisions, when he characterizes and connects them that he shows the properly philosophical element in the history of Brazil and demonstrates his piercing theoretical ability, which distinguishes him from any pedant, any rat or bureaucrat of history, in order to raise him to the true level of a historian.
Rodrigues, THB, , p. The perpetuity of a master's grandiosity seems to be one of the ways of praising and commending also his disciples in the educated community involved with the writing of history in the early 20 th century. Some disciples gain renown by being in charge of publishing texts of the deceased master and, when possible, even by organizing and writing prefaces to some collection of unpublished texts by their mentor.
Manuscripts and letters are very valuable in this symbolical 'economy', for they indicate the proximity and effective intimacy between master and disciple - seen as heir. When this relationship is no longer possible, it seems to be assigned to the disciples the kind of 'moral duty' of annotating the master's work. In the wake of Manoel S.
I add that such an institute would materialize, literally, that mansion that would shelter historians, since an institute of such nature "would direct all historical research in Brazil and abroad, planning the works of recording places as historical sites, of registering and cataloguing all documents, and would carry out deals and programs of microfilming in Brazil and abroad as well".
For him, historical documents would be "national heritage". Collecting and preserving them from "total destruction" would mean "avoiding a spiritual rupture and keeping alive our historical tradition". According to his criteria, "the true apology of historical research consists of helping fulfill these tasks, without which the mature development of Brazilian historiography and historiography about Brazil is impossible". The creation of the Historical Research Institute, inspired by the best of our traditions , is a national need and aims at stimulating historical investigation, promoting regional technical aid to public and private archives, collaborating with the training and improvement of historians and researchers.
Rodrigues, PHB, , p. Rodrigues' narrative, however, had the intention of 'making one see', or even of making this genealogy self-evident for historical research. A historiographical tradition, narrated as history of historical researchers who preceded him, turns to a future projection of what he wanted to build in his present, ascribing value to a noble lineage at the same time he narrated and invited his contemporaries to read it.
In the light of this history of Brazilian historians, each one of those belonging to it - for they are respectful disciples of the masters that configure such current - would also gain emphasis and importance. Brazilian historiography, said Rodrigues, would, therefore, be "a mirror of its own history" Rodrigues, THB, , v. Mirror that would reflect all the grandiosity of yesterday's masters and today's disciples candidates for mastery. In his narrative, all of them lead to the moment in which Rodrigues idealizes his project. It is worth remembering that the author inscribes himself in the same narrative: from the second edition of PHB in on, his name appears among the ones of the great and lesser masters of historical research, curiously followed by a date, "", in parenthesis, strategy that was not used for any other.
Why then was Capistrano the chosen name? For some reasons. The first is that Capistrano de Abreu was not only a historian. It was commonplace to consider him 'the greatest'. And if he aimed at the greatest, no doubt he intended a similar greatness for his project. The second reason is that Capistrano would have inaugurated Brazilian historiography. To our historian this contact defined Capistrano's theoretical education and modern methodology and, consequently, became exemplary in a field which was still to be professionalized. For a historian who wrote a methodology manual, the weight of this trait is significant enough.
Only as a function of his narrative do the authors 'true historians' achieve more or less relevance for what he defended, for in this plot they can be synthesized in a historical time and understood in a determined field present and its horizons. The narrative seeks to make 'visible' the passage of time and the change that would allow Rodrigues to weave the fundamental difference between what was past , what have been his present , and what would be his project future for Brazilian historiography.
At the end of his text, Rodrigues had already stressed what he characterized as a "program" for the task of "historical understanding and synthesis", which he would develop later. Moreover, he emphasized that such program, "so clear and lucid, so simple and noble, has been achieved by the most modern Brazilian historiography". And, going further, he asserted that "its matureness". There are in them an accurate historical understanding, a fine and acute psychological perception, an extraordinary theoretical ability and, oftentimes, a philosophical breath No matter the occasional convergence or divergence of theses and syntheses; they stand side by side in their capacity to examine texts in the light of theories and in the special historical consciousness they possess.
To understand the relations between history and historians of and in Brazil, he was concerned with defining a history for this 'historiography'. His institute would serve as house, school, and fortress from which he would launch his combat against the model instituted in the Brazilian universities.
His model of historian professor and professional researcher sought to guarantee scientific authority to historians within the Brazilian university sphere, having in mind his harsh criticism of the almost exclusive training of high school teachers by the History Courses in the country. This authority would be linked to Rodrigues' projects for the writing of a new History of Brazil, carried out by those associated with his tradition: central link not only in the formation of true historians and in the guarantee of intellectual emancipation to the professionals of History in the country, but an investment legitimated by the own history he narrated.
His project for the IPH, and reason of his architecture, however, never left paper. In the light of these remarks, one can inquire about the meaning and about some of the possibilities of the history of historiography in Brazil. It is clear that Rodrigues' efforts have been important and, for a fairly considerable group of historians, they remain as pioneer and fundamental reference for what presently establishes itself as a field of research. Work that moves in the direction of understanding the various forms of the writing of history and also, but not exclusively, the constitution of its disciplinary version - founded on strong narcissistic traits established by a perspective of history as a 'mirror' which would reflect the Brazilian past in a clear, crystalline, and most objectively possible way.
This past, nevertheless, is understood today as a possibility or, at least, a projection of an ego present on a set of events synthesized both chronologically and teleologically. Rethinking these narcissistic traits, as well as the task of "breaking the mirror," 25 would be part of the work of Historiography. Hard work, therefore. Established as a safe haven, this past would allow the fire of the grand task of historians to honor 'the' tradition.
The past of historical research would be a certainty, a monumental presence, which would respond to the historians' invocation. I believe that a historiographical awakening, as Pierre Nora announced for the French case, for instance, implies working the past as issue, as a problem for the present, not an object of certainties. Thus, "to question a tradition", continued the French author, "venerable as it might be, is no longer to recognize oneself as its sole bearer". That is, understanding the relation of worship with the past implies recognizing that there are other possibilities and possible interpretations.
Venerating oneself and one's own projects as reflections of one - and only one - "grand past" might have been one valid strategy, among possible others, which as such deserve to be historically understood, but that can be read in different ways, so that new horizons become possible. If "all history has entered a historiographical age," 26 as Nora proposed, following Michel de Certeau, marking the critical distance that instals the discontinuity between past absence and present work becomes a fundamental occupation for historians.
Task which, it is important to acknowledge, crystallized identities and good doses of sacredness - always complex, because of their own characteristics of relating to the past - in all efforts at a critical historicization of identities, among them the historian identity. So, I believe that it is Historiography's job to understand the several faces, the risks, and the possibilities of these projections of the present on the past.
An approach not necessarily too tough 'epistemologizing' nor too esoteric internal , for restricted to circles of specialists "more or less self-proclaimed". Thus, continuing with Hartog,. Different from methodical or positivist history, which rejected historiography, the present moment leads to a combination of history of history and method, or even, of historiography and epistemology.
The term historiography suffices, in my view, to refer to this blend. The writing of History becomes, therefore, an effort to make the many dimensions and interpretations of the past understandable, without forgetting that it is an interpretation in itself. It would be Historiography's job, therefore, to be aware of the dangers and possibilities of any and every effort to close or naturalize a narrative, especially about itself.
To inquire, case by case, if and when something worrying can emerge from the pact, almost always silent, which is established among recollection, memorization, and commemoration. Thus, let the task of Historiography be larger than that of narrating or legitimizing a history of History, of keeping or adopting sacred and consecrated canons, of repeating pantheons. Let it not be restricted to an iconoclastic attitude in the face of traditions either. As part of its contribution to the historical education of humanity, it would be desirable that its commitment was more devoted to making intelligible to men their forms of understanding historical and historicizing of the past.
To put it differently: Historiography would be committed to maintaining the historical view or the historical thought. Before all else, about its own paths. To these intellectuals, despite the many differences among them, the image of Rodrigues as a pioneer of the constitution of the history of historiography as a field of research in Brazil has become a common link in the way of remembering him.
Ideologia da cultura brasileira XLIII, n. Rio de Janeiro: Difel, From now on THB, followed by date of edition and page of quotation.
Project MUSE - Contributors
Along this paper there are several quotations. The great majority of them refer to primary sources. The strategy followed here to reduce the number of footnotes with "ibidem" was this: a note at the end of the paragraph containing all the references of the quotations ipsis litteris , used in the paragraph in question. The exceptions to this rule will always occur when some different text from the ones of the sequence in question is used, or another edition of the same, with a specific note for each case.
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Nacional, From now on only PHB, followed by date of edition and page of quotation. Helmut R. Projeto e metamorfose : antropologia das sociedades complexas. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto; Ed. PUC-RJ, Revista do IHGB , v. According to him, "the collection Documentos Brasileiros stood out among the other collections published at the same time, because it gathered authors and works committed to the renewal of knowledge about Brazil".
When he takes it as his object of study, Franzini intends to perceive it particularly as a privileged vehicle for the diffusion of different views of the Brazilian past, especially the innovative ones and, he adds, "those that played an important role in the transformation of the national historiography which happened from the s on".
Thus, he understands it as a "point of convergence of different individuals related to the production, diffusion, and consumption of historical knowledge in Brazil", between and Telefones com Fio Voltar Voltar. Open Peak. PS Vita Voltar Voltar. Jogos de Corrida e Simuladores. Jogos de Esportes. Jogos Musicais. Wii U Voltar Voltar. Jogos Corrida e Simuladores. Jogos Esportes. Jogos para PC Voltar Voltar.
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A Historia Contada: Capitulos de Historia Social Da Literatura No Brasil
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