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His watercolor Eldena Ruins Viewed from the Northeast fig. Judging from the watercolor, no cemetery survived on the site, no large oaks grew around it though large trees now grow on the site , and certainly there was no remaining monastic presence in the area.

Friedrich's Abbey was almost entirely a creation of his own imagination, and its inherent constructedness allows us to probe more deeply into Friedrich's intentions for the painting, since it represented an image that he held entirely within himself rather than one that he saw in the world. The painting's mood and meaning are evoked through the combination of each individual element: the twisting oaks, the fragmented portal of the abbey, the grey snow among the gravestones, the dark ambiguous haze, and especially the monks in procession at the picture's center, create its effect of cold isolation and a nightmarish non-reality.

The monks' "celebration" of mass, the assumed goal of their funereal procession into the church, is not staged as a triumph of religion or ritual over death, or of life over decay—quite the opposite. The monks in Abbey are humble and isolated figures, struggling to carry out their way of life and death in a place of ruin; the fragments of the abbey are all that is left of their way of life, and though it falls into decay, they persist in bringing their dead to rest in the shadow of a church.

Nature, though, has over-grown it, not to complete its mission or its form, but to tear it down. My stubborn insistence on the idea that the painting's meaning lies in death, and my comments on the destructive rather than conciliatory role of nature, are based most of all on the painting's self-referentiality. If this interpretation is correct, Friedrich's depiction of his own burial mirrored his earlier sepia painting from now destroyed , titled My Burial , in which an open grave was monumentalized in the foreground, and surmounted by a cross with the inscription "Here rests C.

Friedrich in God. These must have been personal and significant forms for the young artist he was only in his thirties when he painted Abbey in the Oak Forest and My Burial. He looked beyond his own iconographic and stylistic norms to stage his own death and burial specifically within the physical and ritual space of a ruined medieval church.

Friedrich's Deathscapes Friedrich painted over two dozen works that include cemeteries or graves, and the vast majority share at least one of two characteristics: they are either shown in a state of dilapidation and disrepair, or are associated with church buildings, ruined or standing. This contrasts greatly with the general conventions of nineteenth-century cemetery painting, which usually emphasized the beauty and melancholy of the cemetery, rather than its isolation from contemporary society.

Friedrich's first extant combination of a cemetery with the Eldena ruins was in a sepia from around , The Eldena Ruins with a Burial. Chronologically, Friedrich's next two cemetery paintings were the Abbey from , and Cloister Cemetery in Snow fig. Friedrich's later paintings of cemeteries were less melodramatic, more intimate images.

He painted a conventional cemetery scene in , commissioned to elegize the death of Gerhard von Kugelgen and based on a cemetery within the city of Dresden—one of his only compositions referencing the city in which he lived for over 40 years. In Friedrich began work on Cemetery Gate fig. In Friedrich returned to the motif of the snow-covered graveyard in Cemetery in the Snow fig. Other gravestones lie in the shallow background, along with a small cemetery entrance gate backed by bare bushes.

Again, the dead body's ultimate resting place lies in the snow in a forgotten, derelict cemetery, this time brought uncomfortably close to the viewer's space. In Friedrich's last monumental cemetery painting, The Churchyard from —30 fig. To summarize, the majority of Friedrich's cemeteries are non-urban, desolate, and in disrepair; several are also placed into pictures with the Eldena ruins.

The several exceptions to this rule, showing scenes set in the urban cemeteries of Dresden, were paintings that were commissioned by specific patrons. Friedrich's designs and paintings of visionary Gothic church structures provide a telling counterpoint to his cemetery images, though both have been associated, in art-historical scholarship up to this point, with the transcendence of death through religious experience in nature. Paintings such as Winter Landscape with Church fig. In the background, shrouded in mist, rises an impossibly high and elongated Gothic Cathedral, clearly lying in a visionary realm.

As Koerner writes, "the wanderer discovers the icon of God in nature, and we, the painting's interpreters, are shown analogies between fir tree and cathedral in confirmation of our exegetical surmise. In Abbey , the spectator is trapped within the artist's vision, rather than offered a comforting comparison of natural and divine forms.

Significantly, it is the cemetery in which this vision is located; as we can see in works such as Winter Landscape with Church , Friedrich painted many compositions emphasizing loneliness and barren landscapes most famously, The Sea of Ice from , but only those associated with cemeteries feature this entrapping, dreamlike interiority—likely a reflection of Friedrich's continued preoccupation with his own death and burial.

Koerner writes that, "Friedrich's burial scenes do not demand a biographical gloss; for the fascination with death, the depiction of the churchyard as feelings' locus amoenus , and indeed the whole larmoyant vein of so many of Friedrich's works can be understood as part of the general repertoire of sentimentality shared in Germany" during this period. Moreover, prominent Romantic artists and philosophers, including Goethe, emphatically rejected many of Friedrich's deathscapes, criticizing them for being too gloomy and depressing.

Friedrich's relationship to Romantic melancholia is less straightforward than many have argued. Any analysis of Friedrich's work, especially of a painting like Abbey in the Oak Forest , must include some discussion of his life and character, as one way of explaining the painting's incredible eccentricity in mood. The two elements of Friedrich's personality that have emerged most strongly in the accounts of both his contemporaries and modern biographers were his misanthropy and religious conviction, and it is possible to see both of these traits in his imagery of burial and death.

In his survey of Romantic painting, Wolf argues that the monks who appear in the Abbey , Monk , and Cloister Cemetery paintings, and perhaps in a famous early charcoal self-portrait , are simply "the embodiment of that tragic, melancholy sense of life which was one of the essential ingredients of early German Romanticism. Carl Blechen's Monks at the Gulf of Naples fig. The monks do not express a sense of loneliness, death, and isolation, but rather a quiet and contemplative fellowship; in contrast, Friedrich's monks are solitary, or interact with one another only within the confines of the funeral procession.

Ernst Oehme's Cathedral in Wintertime fig. Again, however, we have a significant difference, in that the monk here is associated not with ruins, as in the Abbey and Cloister Cemetery , but rather with what appears to be a functioning contemporary, if idealized, religious space, more analogous to Friedrich visionary churches. Friedrich's use of the monk is thus not easily explained as a common Romantic iconographic motif, but must rather be understood as a part of Friedrich's own self-imagining and self-presentation.

Friedrich created several self-portraits dressed in clothing that can evoke although it may not specifically represent monasticism, including his famous early charcoal self-portrait of He regarded melancholia as an essential part of his character, "created, coined and stamped in him congenitally," and he viewed its expression in his art as natural.

This self-fashioning as a monk within Friedrich's personal death matrix may refer specifically to his characterization of the Middle Ages as an earlier and purer religious time, as well as an isolationist removal from society. Friedrich's writings suggest that artistic expression was about rendering visible the interior self see quote below , and this idea, when placed in contrast with the fact that he was almost exclusively a landscape painter, forms the crucial reversal at the heart of his artistic project.

It also relates him fundamentally to contemporary religious thinkers, most significantly Friedrich Schleiermacher, who similarly aimed to personalize and subjectivize religious and aesthetic experience. If, however, he sees nothing within him, then he should also refrain from painting that which he sees before him.

Rather than seeking evidence of his entire personality in each of his paintings, as many scholars have attempted, I think it makes more sense to see his different paintings as representations of various emotional states—distinct things that Friedrich "saw within him. Friedrich, however, clearly believed in the power of different works to express different emotional states.

Friedrich's consciousness of his own mortality may also be a result, I think, of the increased separation of death from the realm of the church, a situation which I'll discuss below, and which was itself part of the well-documented secularization of many aspects of German society in the nineteenth century. Accounts of Friedrich's misanthropy cite this secularization as a key concern, arguing that they led to a "loss of confidence" in contemporary church institutions, which then led the artist to nature—the one place where God could be experienced that remained largely unspoiled by human intervention.

In some of Friedrich's works, as in those of many of his contemporaries, the artist's achievement is that he awakens sentiments that would have already existed in nature, but rearranges them into images that somehow possessed a greater emotional poignancy than nature itself, embodying religious truth through their forms. Death and Burial in the Early Nineteenth Century The early-nineteenth century was a period of great change in the social history of death—both in burial practices and in the way that the performance of death was culturally constructed.

In his paintings, we find an expression of many of the tensions and fears of death that were characteristic of his time, but his response to them was self-consciously different from that of his contemporaries. The dead body created a sanctified space around itself, and the Church subsumed this power under its own. The separation of cemeteries from churches began only in the eighteenth century, and was widespread only starting in the early nineteenth [45] ; the cemetery was re-introduced, for the first time since classical antiquity, into the social fabric and topography of the city and suburbs, separate from religious institutions.

In Germany, this wasn't a simple and gradual "moving away" from traditional Christian burial practices; German states actively restricted the religious character of cemeteries, limiting the construction of public chapels and ritual spaces within their walls. Such cemeteries were increasingly removed from the Church not only in space but also in the cultural imagination, coinciding with and influenced by the rapid urbanization of the European landscape at the start of the Industrial Revolution.

In his cemetery paintings, Friedrich observed and commented on this process as it was happening around him. The history of the cemeteries in Dresden, where he spent most his adult life, mirrored what was happening throughout Europe. The countryside around Dresden, where Friedrich often sketched, was still populated by small rural churches and their accompanying cemeteries; it was the city that witnessed massive changes in its necro-landscape.

The modern eye can easily appreciate the aesthetic character of these new cemeteries because of their close similarity to our own. The oldest of the "new" cemeteries, the Eliasfriedhof , retains some of the character of pre-modern cemeteries, with its uneven placement of monuments, their various shapes and sizes, and its overgrown vegetation fig. Whether still functioning, or closed, forgotten, and falling into ruin, the rural church-associated cemeteries like the massive church-cemeteries of the city were relics of an age that had already passed in Friedrich's day; they are also the ones that show up again and again within his most personal paintings.

The necro-landscape of the past, intimately tied to the church, had been replaced in Friedrich's day with the modern cemetery, in which the realities of death and dying were erased and made beautiful through the orderly arrangement of tombs and simple, hopeful decorative iconography. Friedrich's paintings reject this modern trend towards hiding death under tidy gravestones.

Yet in his paintings he turned to an entirely different iconography to deal with his own mortality. His opinion of these new burial grounds is difficult to judge without written statements concerning their design, location and character, and one must rely on information from three sources: the style and content of the gravestones which he designed, the fact that he was involved in this design in the first place, and the representation of cemeteries in his paintings.

Also in United States Holocaust Memorial Museum oral history collection

The deathscape illustrated by Friedrich in Abbey in the Oak Forest is intimately tied to the Catholic Middle Ages, through both the medieval architectural forms of the ruined Gothic structure and the inclusion of the community of monks, which then, as now, conjured medieval religiosity. But this is precisely the point: their anxiety never crossed the threshold into the unspeakable, the inexpressible. Abbey in the Oak Forest expresses exactly this sense of the unspeakable fear surrounding death. Friedrich is unexceptional for his day in his excessive fear of death, but he responds to it by looking back to the past, to a medieval tradition of taming death through spirituality and ritual.

In the Middle Ages, the primary concern of the "moment of death" was with the man who was dying, who was in careful control of his experience, since the manner in which his death occurred carried great consequences in his experience of the afterlife. In the Romantic period, however, the dying person's loved ones assume a crucial role as their mourning takes center stage. As evidence, we might point again to Schleiermacher, whose sermon preached at the burial of his young son provides an instructive comparative example. Schleiermacher scarcely mentions Church institutions or heavenly peace in his eulogy, focusing entirely on the love that his son had brought to the family, and the moral lessons left behind in his wake.

In the visionary staging of his own death, Friedrich re-placed his confidence squarely on the shoulders of the church, despite its being stripped of control over burials in his day. Friedrich's characterization of his own burial may have been indicative of his interior fears, expectations, and beliefs, but it may also have been an attempt to evoke emotional response from viewers who lived in the same state of tension over death's role in their lives, which vacillated between unspeakable fear and sweet melancholic consolation.

Rather than comforting them by conforming to modern notions of how death was to be performed in the context of the Christian family, Friedrich places the viewer into the past, to confront death's basic character through rituals and spaces that were being physically erased from the landscape. Abbey in the Oak Forest may not be meant to comfort its viewers, but rather to inspire a thoughtful kind of fear, both shocking and persuasive, reawakening a sense of the church as a place of refuge in the face of death. Though many analyses of Friedrich's religious beliefs emphasize his suspicion of church institutions, the church is evoked in many of his works, in both ruined and idealized states, as a means of commenting on both its contemporary inadequacies and its historical virtues.

Conclusions How then, is death ultimately characterized in Friedrich's painting? Death is outside of contemporary social structures—it takes place in a land of uncanny dreams and historical ruins. There is no sign of comfort from one's family or friends—only the cross peeking through the church's ruined doorway. The place of burial is neglected, the cemetery disorganized, and the nature surrounding it as barren as the snowy ground. Death takes place within an interior vision, not in the world as it is lived and experienced.

In seeking to support this claim—that the Abbey represents Friedrich's death as isolating rather than transcendent—it is critical to look directly at the artist's own religious faith. The argument that the painting rejects religious transcendence is, after all, somewhat contradictory; his faith in Christian salvation, as it may be discovered in nature and in the church, is represented in his other works.

Scholars have attempted to reconcile the painting's iconography with that of his other works, under the umbrella of transcendence through nature, but in doing so have ignored the painting's appearance. The explanation for the painting's contradiction within his oeuvre lies in Friedrich's complicated faith, and in the fact that the painting specifically represents Friedrich's own death. Lutheran theology emphasizes the uncertainty of one's personal salvation: good works, a moral life, and a "good death" could not ensure passage to heaven.

Though Friedrich advertised the universal truths of Christian salvation in many of his paintings, his deathscapes are highly personal works in which he could process his own fear of death, while still believing in the power of his religion in the system as a whole. There is no contradiction here: Lutheran faith demands both a fear of one's own ultimate judgment and the acceptance of salvation as a possibility and a goal for others.

In the early-nineteenth century, the focus was shifting within Friedrich's religion from the old to the young, and from death to life. Religious education and indoctrination of the young, rather than a fear of death and a desire to "die well," were the new tools used to spread and cement faith. While most of Friedrich's paintings address the first concern, perhaps his deathscapes speak more to the second; they show a continuing anxiety, throughout his life, over the place of the dead within the new necro-landscape of the modern cemetery, divorced from foundational Christian institutions, rituals and spaces.

They confront an anxiety related not just to mortality but also to the physical handling and framing of death and burial in the world. The reading of Abbey as a landscape of death is reinforced not only by the contemporary expectations of Friedrich's religion, but also by his visual rhetoric. The defining feature of Friedrich's works is their constructedness: his landscapes are not about any one place. In the Abbey , Monastery Graveyard , and Cemetery in the Snow , he depicts cemeteries as no-where, and, through them, evokes the lack of a satisfying place for the dead in his city.

In Abbey in the Oak Forest , Friedrich's erasure of place serves a different purpose than in his other works: the traditional places of the dead were disappearing in Friedrich's day, and when he reconstructed them in his paintings, their lost wholeness was reaffirmed and preserved only by the presence of a ruined church. As Friedrich became personally disconnected from society, his visualizations of his death and burial similarly moved away from contemporary religious and social practices and spaces. The past, even in ruin, became the only attractive alternative to the new spaces of the dead in Friedrich's day—tidy, de-sanctified landscapes of the contemporary cemetery and contemporary commemorative cemetery paintings.

Returning one last time to the painting itself, we find ourselves in a liminal state; as Koerner has written, Friedrich's paintings hold us before them, through their compositional structure of simultaneous spatial invitation and rejection. The brown haze hiding the horizon exists not as a flat backdrop, but curves upward at the sides, wrapping in a half-circle around the picture to embrace you standing before it: the darkness comes from all sides, leaving the viewer no exit.

The painting's structure and tones are themselves metaphors for death as a state of fixed interiority. There still remains, however, a transition within this painting, and in many of Friedrich's cemetery paintings: the portal that provides a way out. Not a way to a better place, necessarily, but simply as the demarcation of a boundary. The project of Romantic art has been described by the phrase, "Art as Religion"; for Friedrich, however, art never came to replace religious experience, as it did for some of his contemporaries.

Friedrich's spiritual life was continually made evident in his paintings, in response to the evidence he saw of God's presence in nature, and the corresponding analogies he saw between the "natural and the cultural. This difference was the result of a changing fear of death in Friedrich's day, and an insistence on his part that, when faced with this fear, the only option was to confront it directly—both through painting and through the institution that, for a millennium, had guarded death's gates. When faced with this fear, and imagining his own end, Friedrich turned inward, to himself, to the Abbey.

This research was generously supported by funds from the Department of History at the University of California, Berkeley. My thanks go to Thomas Laqueur for his help in funding my research and his numerous insightful suggestions as I worked on this project. I have found no other discussion of these paintings as a group.

Abrams, , He mentions the sprigs of grass pushing their way up through the snow, and the "glowing light" in the background of the painting. It is perhaps surprising that Goethe and other Protestant Romantics including Friedrich seemed to have no problem idealizing Gothic architecture given its Catholic connotations, but it seems not to have been a major issue. There was enough basis in aesthetic and nationalistic appreciation of Gothic forms to override any objection on theological grounds. You err; I love society. Yet in order not to hate people, I must avoid their company.

Beck, , — The question of how sympathetic Friedrich may have been to pantheistic ideas about the inseparability of God and the universe has been widely discussed. Greer Move Close. If an artist has understood his true mission and understands the importance of art itself, he must rally behind the people, not as master but as comrade in arms; he must devote his talent to the revolution, show the people what their position is in present-day society; show clearly the baseness of our society, so that the people will rise up and come to life.

As soon as the people come to life art will be as pure and as good as ever because art itself remains the same throughout the ages. Therefore let us begin now, [let us] become revolutionary, let us unite, because we know that the beautiful, the sublime, in short, life, is with those who rebel, who fight for light, for humanity. With these words, written in by the Dutch artist and designer Johan Thorn Prikker — to his friend the poet and sinologist Henri Borel, Thorn Prikker allied himself with the ideals of social anarchism at the turn of the century and with the related Dutch and Belgian concept of Gemeenschapskunst , or Community Art.

It followed that art should serve the people rather than the entrepreneurial interests of art dealers, the artists they represented, or the small elite group to whom they catered. This was the sector of society which Thorn Prikker most detested, and which he saw as representing the worst of the bourgeois world. He postulated in his writings that once the painters in these corrupt art circles were gone, art would be set on the right course, saying,.

Thorn Prikker, along with a number of other artists in Holland, was convinced that an art of and for the people, must be applied art. As he was trained as a painter, hence as a fine artist, this meant a considerable shift. By the turn of the century his work, in addition to small-scale pictorial works, included furniture, graphic and textile design, and monumental mural painting. This large wall painting, located in the entrance hall of the home figs. This comment needs to be seen in light of the probability that Thorn Prikker was writing to Henry van de Velde at least in part in hopes of obtaining a future commission.

Here, the anonymous critic presented the mural as an integral and successful part of modern architectural and interior design. The author also identified the mural as a visual art credo, called the three kneeling figures most beautiful and expressive, and commented on the symbolic significance of the connecting geometric ornamentation. The layout was informed by the design of Bloemenwerf, the residence which Van de Velde had built for himself five years earlier in Ukkel, Belgium.

One of the functions of De Zeemeeuw was to house Leuring's collection of work by contemporary artists, among them Thorn Prikker, Jan Toorop, and Vincent van Gogh, [23] as well as his collection of Indonesian art objects. Leuring maintained his artistic contacts in The Hague and Leiden when he moved to Groningen in There, in , he took part in the organization of a series of exhibitions, including one in which works by Thorn Prikker were included.

That same year he married Wilhelmina Mathilda Dolk, with whom he had 3 children between and , and established a medical practice. There were two competing, but not always entirely distinct, regional tendencies in Nieuwe Kunst , and both are found in architecture and in the decorative arts. The first, associated with The Hague and its surroundings, was marked by a strongly dynamic curvilinear aesthetic linked to Belgian and French Art Nouveau. The second, centered in Amsterdam, was more sober and rationalist. It was championed by its proponents as the more legitimately national or Dutch of the two styles.

Nor, however, do they belong to the second tendency. The mural is typical of neither. Its intricate decorative linearity, combined with its focus on geometry and harmonious proportion, elude any such characterization. As one enters De Zeemeeuw, the vestibule opens onto a large hallway with a central staircase that splits in two and curves up to the gallery encircling the second floor. The entire hallway is illuminated with natural light entering through a large skylight. Located against the back wall of this hallway, above the staircase, the mural is immediately visible upon entry figs.

The technique employed by Thorn Prikker, who was assisted in its execution by sculptor Johan Altorf, [34] has recently been analyzed by Christiane Heiser. The mural is large, measuring approximately 8 x 4 meters. Its size, its striking colors—black, red, blue, yellow, gold, green and gray—and its bold design give the mural an imposing presence—one that stands in stark contrast to the sober exterior of the house. The focus is the centrally-positioned, stylized figure of Christ, whose head is framed by a series of concentric haloes. Another circle, above, encloses a double cross motif.

Within the unusual tangle of plant forms that appear like a strange, biomorphic headdress to this figure, is a hand with fingers directed toward the head. These details, as well as the twelve heads in profile—presumably the apostles—that appear at the top of the composition, identify the figure as Christ. Three haloed figures figs. These figures, which are the least stylized part of the work, are situated in front of and outside the main composition, creating the illusion of depth in an otherwise flat conceptualization of space.

The woman on the left, wearing a headpiece with veil and an intricately decorated robe, gazes toward the center while her hands, from which a cascade of drapery falls, gesture towards the composition's outer edges, suggesting both a connection with and an orientation away from the central Christ-figure.

On the right are a man and a boy. The man is dressed in priest-like garb with his hand, over which a small white cloth is draped and on which a cone-shaped object rests, held out as though in offering. The boy wears the gown of a choir boy and stands with hands folded. These figures constitute a transitional zone between the three-dimensional world of the viewer and a more abstract two-dimensional zone behind, representing an ideal or elevated realm.

The overall result would cause Albert Plasschaert to write seven years later that the Zeemeeuw mural belonged more in a church than a house. The foreground figures, which suggest a family of three, are ones with whom the Leurings, who at this time had one child, could identify and be identified. This, and their relative naturalism, suggests that the three foreground figures may function as portraits.

And Leuring was a much younger man than the figure depicted here. Overall, the composition and complex ornamental program of the mural are symmetrical, with variations of circles and triangles repeated throughout. A dominant geometric framework behind the foreground figures is defined by a wide low isosceles triangle which is interrupted by and intertwined with two centrally placed, interlocking equilateral triangles, one pointing up and the other down.

In a band at the top of the composition are six heads in profile looking away from the center of the composition, each contained in a circular form. Although this part of the mural is flat in conception, there are nonetheless stylized shapes associated loosely with landscape between the three main triangles and the upper band: triangles and circles schematically suggest trees and perhaps mountains; a pattern of lines above the triangles and circles suggests the sky. Earlier Conceptualization of the Mural The conception of the painting for De Zeemeeuw dates back to a monumental mural Thorn Prikker had designed, but seemingly never carried out, in He further explained that fundamental geometric proportions would establish the compositional framework and that figures and ornamental details could then be filled in.

This method of working, he continued, was best suited to large-scale murals, such as those for a church. He commented further on the richness of ornamentation and, echoing Arts and Crafts theories of the day, the pleasure of labor such a work afforded him. The richness of surface found within the finished drawing fig. The precise episode from the life of Christ represented in the drawing that was reproduced in Maandschrift voor Vercieringskunst is unclear, as its relationship to traditional Christian iconography is highly idiosyncratic.

The youthful, crowned Christ with peaceful, unlined face seems to convey a message of triumph over earthly trials, as in a scene of Resurrection. What is clear about the drawing, in addition to the fact that Thorn Prikker and others considered it important enough to represent him at these important international venues, is that it served as a starting point for the mural at De Zeemeeuw, both in subject and in composition.

There are significant differences, however, related to a great degree, no doubt, to the different scales and media. The geometric framework in the mural, for example, has become much more dominant within the whole. It is at once more clearly defined and more complex, with two interlocking equilateral triangles added to the single, wide isosceles triangle. In addition, the mural's composition is not bracketed on either edge with a single tall column as in the drawing; rather, it extends past what is a double column to end in a series of triangles within triangles that create a pattern pointing away from the composition, implying a continuation and, in effect, linking the mural to the architectural space beyond.

The figures, too, are quite different. In the earlier work, the foreground figures are biblical and the Christ is a much larger, more realistically depicted figure. There is no doubt, however, that in both works the Christ imagery is idiosyncratically rather than conventionally conceived. The image of the suffering Christ figure, both in Holland and elsewhere—most notably France and Belgium—was a common means of representing artistic self in avant-garde circles. The dominant image of the Dutch artist in the s and early s, in both the visual and literary arts, was that of an elite figure; one removed from the everyday world, working in an ivory tower.

I use the gender-specific pronoun consciously, as the general construction of the artist at this time was masculine. The suffering Christ figure was frequently employed to embody these ideas of the male suffering artist. Thorn Prikker, however, was never comfortable with the view of the artist as an isolated genius. He preferred a contrary view, one that developed later in the s and maintained relevance into the twentieth century: the notion of artist as an engaged spiritual leader.

This poster, visually linked to the drawing that the magazine had reproduced the previous year, was also used as a cover for the magazine in It represents the artist—here the applied artist—as a Christ figure. There are, however, further ideas encoded within the image that relate directly to those that would feature in the mural for De Zeemeeuw, including the idea of artistic engagement and the politicized notion of the artist as worker.

It gained further recognition in when it was exhibited at the International Exhibition for the Decorative Arts in Turin, Italy, and reproduced twice in German design publications. In the lithograph, a rich ornamentation of intertwining plant stems enliven the lower and upper parts of the composition. The crucified Christ is hunched over, his face and body furrowed like an old gnarled tree trunk.

This in turn is linked to the cross motif which is contained in a double circle from which emanate sun-like rays. The idea here is of spiritual ascension toward ultimate enlightenment or perfection. Building on the more positive content within the imagery are the heads in profile at the top of the lithograph which serve as disciples to the Christ figure—that is, they represent figures who support Christ and who, positioned as they are facing outward, will take up his mission and disseminate his word.

These six figures are important within the overall language of imagery, especially when the connection is again made between the Christ figure and the applied artist, as these figures imply the concept of community. Their presence results in the Christ figure being situated within a community of like-minded people, thus breaking with the tradition of earlier Christ-artist constructions which focused on isolation and alienation.

These six figures also embody the idea of a link to the larger community, and the idea of being engaged in teaching or conveying to the people an understanding of a new ideology.

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The Christ figure, and in particular his right, nail-pierced hand surrounded by thorns, the roundels containing heads at the top of the composition, and some of the decorative plant motifs are key elements repeated in the mural. It was, however, first and foremost a Christian image, albeit one represented in a non-traditional manner. Protestantism was the dominant religion in the coastal provinces of the Netherlands, which included the city of The Hague, and Thorn Prikker, although in practice not associated with any church, was registered in the city records as officially belonging to the Dutch Reformed Church Nederlands Hervormde Kerk , and had had a Protestant upbringing.

While not a Catholic himself, Thorn Prikker was interested in the Catholic Church for both its traditional imagery and the opportunities it provided for artists. His use of haloes indicates a gesture toward the Catholic Church, and he had long had the ambition of securing commissions for church murals. The reason for this was twofold. First, as the Catholic Church in The Netherlands was experiencing a period of resurgence, with its accompanying building activity, it was, from a purely practical point of view, an opportunity for obtaining commissions—a pressing concern to Thorn Prikker whose financial position, although better than it had been during his early career, was still precarious.

This theoretical point of view had its basis in a movement known in the Netherlands and Belgium as Gemeenschapskunst or Community Art. The theories of the French writer and critic Albert Aurier, who felt that art should be symbolist, decorative, and engaged, gave impetus to the movement. Community Art embodied a number of ideas.

As the name suggests, it was intended to serve the community. Ideally, the work should be a Gesamtkunstwerk , that is, a unity of the arts coming together to represent a whole. The concept of community comes into play in a number of ways in relation to the medieval cathedral. That is, a number of art forms combined to create one architectural whole that was made to serve the community; and was carried out by the community, in a spirit of contented cooperation and pleasure in labor. There were many variations of Community Art, but among these were three main tendencies.

The first of these linked the ideas above with the mystical-religious focus of pre-Renaissance societies; the new art would therefore be a religious art—and to most this meant a Christian religious art. This point of view found a solid basis within Holland in the influential ideas of the advocate for Catholic emancipation and professor of aesthetics and art history, J. Alberdingk Thijm, and in the ideas and works of the architect, P. While these directions were perceived as mutually exclusive by some, [66] others, including Thorn Prikker, saw a third tendency—one that represented a mixture of the first two.

That is, he combined the mystical-religious emphasis of the first, with the concern to create a public, socially conscious art of the second. In this comprehensive understanding of Gemeenschapskunst , Thorn Prikker was allying himself closely and consciously with art theories emanating from Belgium and, in particular, with the ideas of Henry van de Velde and Auguste Vermeylen. Foremost among these was the fact that he himself was not a Catholic, and although he had considered converting to Catholicism in order to secure artistic commissions, it was never a serious option for him.

This radical persona is clear even from his early days at the Hague Academy of Fine Arts, from which he was expelled in for disorderly conduct; from later descriptions that refer to him as a fierce anarchist; [76] and from his image as an unruly rebel who found it difficult to hide his derision for those in positions of authority. Before exploring this radicalized image of the artist, however, it is necessary to point to another aspect of the broader context of visual production related to Gemeenschapskunst : the revival of interest in the art form of the mural.

Mural Painting in Holland Dutch mural painting from the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries is a rich and historically significant subject, and the relationship between Community Art and mural painting deserves attention. Derkinderen holds a key position within the history of Dutch mural painting. The development of Dutch mural painting at the time De Zeemeeuw and its mural were being designed was also tied to a major project, the Amsterdam Stock Exchange Beurs , undertaken by the architect H.

Berlage, who was a champion of the Wagnerian idea of a Gesamtkunstwerk. The relationship between anarchism and cultural production, particularly strong in France and Belgium, [87] was also important in The Netherlands. Although anarchists and Marxists had begun to go their separate ways in Dutch party politics during the early s, [89] the ideological ties between anarchy and the labor movement in general remained strong into the twentieth century.

In Holland, in addition to being connected to socialist economic theory, it was also adapted by different groups to combine variously with Christian beliefs, theosophical ideas, pacifistic concerns, and an interest in nature communes. His image as an anarchist was constructed in the writings of others—for example, Henri Borel and Henry van de Velde.

It was also consciously reinforced by Thorn Prikker himself. Thorn Prikker directly addressed the theme of anarchy in a number of his works, including an drawing fig. The anarchist, here, is represented as the worker-artist. Of particular significance to Thorn Prikker and the Belgian artists with whom he associated, including Van de Velde, [95] was the anarcho-communism of Peter Kropotkin, an expatriate Russian living in London, whose writings had a specific relevance to artists.

Using Christ to signify both the radical artist and the social reformer at that time, then, was not uncommon. Conversely, constructing Christ as a social revolutionary was part of a larger tendency in discourses concerning the life of Christ: on the one hand was the Christ-like anarchist; on the other the anarchist-like Christ. By the time Thorn Prikker was working on his mural, a body of material existed outside dominant Christian discourse which focused on the historical Jesus as a human, rather than divine entity, and on his role as a social reformer or revolutionary. In this way, the central Christ figure in his mural for De Zeemeeuw functions implicitly as an image of the anarchist-artist.

The question of the relatively hermetic nature of this imagery arises. Part of the answer to this seeming rupture between theory and practice, at least in the case of Thorn Prikker, may be because the figure of Christ, in spite of its idiosyncratic appearance, did belong to the most widely recognizable topos in Western culture.

As such, it functioned in a general and accessible way as a spiritual image of hope and change. The geometry and structure found in the mural were grounded to a large and growing body of theory concerning geometric principles in artistic production, ranging widely in conceptual underpinnings from functional rationalism to esoteric mysticism, and many variations between the two.

The relationship between Theosophy and art in Holland, in the period from to , is the subject of a recent comprehensive study by Marty Bax. It also underlines the relationship between Freemasonry and Theosophy in nineteenth-century Dutch society, with the two sometimes overlapping and the former providing an important foundational impulse for the latter. Theosophists, who were frequently sympathetic to anarchist views and vice versa , [] accepted Christ as being one religious leader among many, and included in their belief system the concept of the evolution of humanity and of the cosmos based on ideas found in contemporary western science and in traditional Indian ideas of cosmic cycles.

The aspect of Theosophy most relevant to the mural is the importance attached to mathematical and geometrical principles, especially as they were widely disseminated in artistic circles in the writings and teachings of the Dutch Theosophical architects and designers Karel de Bazel and Mathieu Lauweriks. Just as mathematical principles formed the basis of all natural creation, [] so too must a geometric framework provide the foundation and be a dominant component in artistic production. The artistic process was in this way associated with divine or cosmic creation, and the artwork provided a link between heaven and earth.

The ideas concerning geometry and harmonious proportion as set out in their numerous theoretical writings are diverse and often idiosyncratic in their individual variations. In this system, the artist could represent living, natural forms growing, as it were, from and within the geometric framework. The columns in the mural fig. This, too, may explain the stylized, somewhat rough, lump or cone-shaped object held in the hand of the large male foreground figure on the right. The other geometric shape that featured prominently in the mural, the sphere, was also of interest for its universal implications.

The Theosophist designer Jacob van den Bosch, for example, developed a sphere system, which has been associated with both Theosophy and Freemasonry, [] in which spheres were compared to the ever-widening circular ripples created when a stone is thrown in water; the spheres, becoming circles in their two-dimensional transposition, represented the stages of transformation from the material into the non-material world. Theosophical and Masonic ideas in the mural are further encoded in the interlocking equilateral triangles—one pointing up, the other down—which enframe the Christ figure.

Together they form an emblem sometimes called the seal of Solomon that served as an element in the seal of the Theosophical Society and was used repeatedly in its literature. Here, too, there was a connection with Freemasonry in which triangles are important symbols with the double triangle being a symbol of the Deity.

There is no evidence that Thorn Prikker was either a Mason or a Theosophist. He had, however, motivation for the use of, and access to, Freemasonry ideas through his close affiliation with Leuring. This would be corroborated by Leuring's description of the mural in his eulogy for Thorn Prikker, [] in which he called the mural The Game of Life Das Spiel des Lebens and stated that it was based on a poem from the Panchatantra. Conclusion In the mural for De Zeemeeuw, the central Christ figure functions as an image of the artist. The imagery may also relate in a personal way to the one who commissioned the work, Leuring, and his new membership in the Freemasons.

When considered in the context of the Zeemeeuw hallway for which it was done, the work was, and remains, a powerful and enigmatic work that continues to evoke an experience of awe, contemplation, and even transcendence in the person entering the house. I would like to thank Carel Blotkamp for his valuable suggestions and Betsy Boone for her careful reading and insightful commentary.

Albert Ludwig Grimm (1786-1872)

Others whose assistance I gratefully acknowledge are Mrs. Ellerman, for kindly providing me with the opportunity of studying and photographing the mural discussed here; Marty Bax for discussions on Theosophy and Freemasonry; and my late husband Rudy de Kimpe for assistance with photography and archival research.

I would also like to acknowledge the useful commentary contributed by the anonymous reviewers of this article. Joosten, ed. Much of what has been written about Johan Thorn Prikker, to date, has its basis in his correspondence. The letters were written primarily to Henri Borel, between the years and , when Borel was working as a translator in China and the Dutch Indies, and by they had already been published and often quoted from.

While many of the letters are dated precisely, sometimes this information was partially or even completely missing from the archival material. Joosten has provided estimations of dates, which are clearly annotated and rationalized, based on careful analysis of the letters' content and context. This catalogue, written in Dutch and German, warrants special mention as it represents an important addition to Thorn Prikker scholarship and is the most comprehensive body of work that has appeared on this artist to date.

University of Groningen, , — Given Van de Velde's past and ongoing endorsements of Thorn Prikker's work, it seems likely that Thorn Prikker harbored hopes of once again securing Van de Velde's support. Indeed, although not for eight years, Thorn Prikker, too, would work for Osthaus in Hagen.

This is clear from a short article in the summer issue of the periodical De Tuin. When Leuring sold his house in , he left it in its original state. The house was in a zone depopulated by the Nazis during the German occupation of Holland, however, and it underwent a period of abuse and neglect during the Second World War. Subsequent owners partially restored the house, but pre-war photographs figs.

They also show the rural surroundings of the house, which is now in a populated urban area. As Joosten has noted, however, some changes were made to this floor plan in the building of the house. See A. Vrije University of Amsterdam, , The movement continues today.

For a discussion of its history, see Otto J. Callenbach, , — The Hague City Archives. Leuring's children, Johanna, Hillegonda, and Johan Cornelis were born in , , and respectively. Later, in the s, he would also become a member of the Freemason Vereeniging Tempelbouw which concerned itself specifically with art and art theory. McKellar, eds. Heiser also points to the collaborative opportunities provided by the interior design program as a whole, relating this to the earlier mentioned concern for creating a Gesamtkunstwerk.

His first born child, Johanna, was born August 4, The drawings were identified in this publication as a project and a fragment it is, in fact, a variation rather than a fragment of the project for a wall-painting planned for a monastery in Belgium. Thorn Prikker had had close artistic connections with Belgium since The interconnections between Arts and Crafts and Art Nouveau represent a historiographical problem that has yet to be fully addressed in the literature concerning this period. For a discussion of multi-disciplinary artist societies specific to Holland see Kalmthout, Muzentempels.

See Joan E. The reversal cannot be explained simply by the mirror imaging that takes place in printmaking as Christ's right hand in the Leuring mural is also surrounded by thorns, and as the reversal also appears elsewhere, but not consistently, in Thorn Prikker's Christ images. This situation and its significance in terms of visual culture is discussed in Carine Hoogveld, ed. Others in literary circles who did the same during this period were Frederik van Eeden and Jan Kalf.

For a discussion of this phenomenon see Elisabeth Leijnse, Symbolisme en nieuwe mystiek in Nederland voor E en onderzoek naar de Nederlandse receptie van Maurice Maetelinck Geneva: Droz, , — Heiser, "Johan Thorn Prikker — ," Carel Blotkamp and others, exh. Ellinoor Bergvelt, exh. Amsterdam: Stedelijk Museum, , 31—43; and Tibbe, R. Roland Holst , — Thorn Prikker's reputation as a radical with an anti-clerical stance was made more palatable and easy to overlook once he was in Germany, given his increasing recognition and reputable position as designer.

This increased recognition began following his appointment as instructor at the Krefeld School of Arts and Crafts in , and his subsequent membership in the Deutsche Werkbund in While this reputation caused him some problems, it was one in which he took pride and which he repeatedly reinforced and cultivated in his own correspondence.

Roland Holst, W. Plasschaert, Muurschilderingen , For the notion of a Gesamtkunstwerk in Berlage's work see Titus M. Berlage: Ontwerpen voor het interiur Zwolle: Waanders, , Berlage: Ontwerpen voor het interiur , 64— It is also of relevance to note that Berlage had designed a house in The Hague in for Carel Henny.

Altorf would be represented. Berlage , The competition or rivalry that arose between Berlage and Van de Velde falls outside the scope of this article, but is part of the wider historical picture. See also Tibbe, R. Roland Holst , See also A. Roland Holst , 21—35; For a work which deals specifically with this period in the history of the Dutch Labor movement see D. Warnsink, Het socialisme op de tweesprong: De geboorte van de S. Haarlem: Tjeenk Willink, This provides a great possibility to look at an expanding repertoire of armorials from right behind your screen.

Below you will find a list of these manuscripts, which also includes sources that might not qualify as an armorial, but do hold a considerable number of coats of arms and are therefore undoubtedly valuable for anyone interested in this topic. To access the scan, click on the web links attached to each. While we hope to provide links to all genuine digitised armorials from the Middle Ages, we still welcome suggestions on armorials that we missed.

Especially with regard to later copies of medieval armorials and early modern armorials this list is definitely not exhaustive and is continuously being updated. As many manuscripts have been subjected to additions and alterations during the Middle Ages, they cannot be fitted into a single century.

These manuscripts are categorized under the century in which the oldest part was made. This roll, usually called the Dering Roll , after Sir Edward Dering, who acquired the roll in the 17th century. It is one of the oldest original armorials, stemming from It contains shields that mainly represent the knights of Kent and Sussex.

Padberg, Martina [WorldCat Identities]

The manuscript contains the entire Historia Anglorum covering and the last part of the Chronica Majora covering It is identified as an autograph of Matthew Paris d. The manuscript contains coats of arms in the margins, 95 in total. It is written in the s, and it is argued that Matthew Paris himself was responsible for the painting the coats of arms himself. The coats of arms refer to the persons accounted in the chronicle. Further, Matthew Paris has applied an interesting manner of heraldic communication: he inverts the arms of those who die in that part of his chronicle. This part contains coats of arms of French nobles.

The first pages of the manuscript hold the arms of the Trojan king Priam and his 5 legitimate and 28 illigitimate sons, which is dated onthe end of the 13th or the beginning of the 14th century. In the 15th century, much was added to the armorial, such as the coats of arms of Christian kings, the 12 Pairs of France, the Nine Worthies and a genealogy of Hector de Flavy.

Most of the images date from the 14th century, there are however some from the 15th and 16th century as well. The work stems from the early 14th century, with some midth century additions. The portraits of the minstrels are accompanied by their coats of arms. This is one of the three armorials of the Bruderschaft St. Christoph auf dem Arlberg. This manuscript is often called the Tiroler Handschrift or the Codex Figdor, after the archivist who discovered this manuscript in the late 19th century.

The armorial shows next to the entries the coats of arms of donators of St. Christoph auf dem Arlberg hospice in Tirol and was made between and Christoph auf dem Arlberg aus den Jahren bis rund Berlin, Christoph am Arlberg. Ende des The manuscript shows next to the entries the coats of arms of donators of the St. Christoph auf dem Arlberg hospice in Tirol. Oxford, Bodleian, Ashmole pt. This armorial presents banners and coats of arms of English nobles and knights.

The Bellenville armorial dates from the late 14th century. Author and commissioner are unknown, but the text is written in Dutch, therefore it was probably made somewhere in the historical Netherlands. The armorial consists of two parts. The first part contains coats of arms of European nobles structured by lords. The second part seems to be a collection of occasional rolls of arms of tournaments, military campaigns or the Prussian voyages. The Weingartner Liederhandschrift is a collection of German courtly poems accompanied by 25 miniatures.

This small parchment manuscript is dated on the first or second decade of the 14 th century. Wien, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Weiss The armorial shows next to the entries the coats of arms of donators of the St. The first part of the armorial has been made in the late 14th and early 15th century. These are followed by additions from later centuries.

The roll is painted on the front and back side and if the four parts are put together, it measures about four meter. It dates from the s and contains hundreds of coats of arms, mostly from nobles from modern-day Southern Germany, Switzerland and Western Austria. This composite manuscript has been made by the herold Hendrik van Heesel, probably in the midth century. In the manuscript, sections with coats of arms and sections with text alternate. The armorial depicts coats of arms from, among others, Austrian, Bohemian and Burgundian nobles. Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Hv.

The Nekrolog des Franziskanerklosters St. Anna in Bamberg was made around has continuations until It is a calendar with entries of deceased, and regularly these entries are accompanied by coats of arms. Blogpost accessible through this link. This Matriculation Register of the Basel Rectorate has continuously been updated from onwards.

It contains a considerable amount of coats of arms, most of them presenting rectors of the University of Basel. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. This armorial is commonly referred to as the Berliner Wappenbuch. It consists of paper folios, displaying almost a thousand coats of arms of arms of nobles from the Holy Roman Empire. Dated to around , it shows some interesting similarities with the Ingeram and Haggenberg armorials. HA II, Nr. This manuscript has been produced in the s and is regarded as one of the most impressive of its sort.

It contains coats of arms of the European nobility, imaginary coats of arms of pagan nobility and a section dedicated to tournament societies in late 15th century southern Germany. Zeitschrift des Schweizerischen Burgervereins 19 pp. Brugge, Openbare Bibliotheek, Ms. This manuscript holds the Excellente Cronike van Vlaenderen , a chronicle of Flanders. This is paper copy from the late 15 th century. See the entry in narrative-sources. IV , p. It is probably produced in the mid th century. The highlights of this manuscript are sixty-nine miniatures, and in many of them coats of arms on shields, but also clothing and other media play an important part.

This armorial dates from the beginning of the 15th century and it depicts coats of arms of nobles mainly from Northern France and modern-day Belgium. It opens with the coats of arms of the Burgundian duke Philip the Bold. There is no modern edition of this armorial yet.

Weblink: The manuscript is taken offline temporarily. We will provide the weblink as soon as the manuscript is back online. The manuscript is written in Dutch and was probalby finished in This relatively unknown manuscript is a late 15th century armorial, with some 16th century additions. Its stems from Northern France or the Southern Netherlands.

The coats of arms are painted and blazoned. The armorial displays the ancestors of count Engelbrecht II of Nassau , of both the paternal and maternal side. Engelbrecht was a knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece and powerful nobleman in the Low Countries. The coats of arms one on each folio represent the ancestors of the last years. Was his lineage embellished to increase his status?

There are two full page pictures of the same herald in the manuscript. He walks, lifts is hat, and wears a tabard with the coat of arms of Engelbrecht II of Nassau. It is therefore assumed that the manuscript was made by a herald in his service. It is dated to ca. The Kattendijke Kroniek is a chronicle that mainly deals with the history of Holland and Utrecht. It is dated to the early s. It features a large number of coats of arms on shields and banners in miniatures or integrated into the text.

Antheun Janse ed. Detmold, Lippische Landesbibliothek, Mscr 3a, p. The manuscript is dated to the late fifteenth century. This is an illustrated copy of the Excellente Cronike van Vlaenderen , a chronicle of Flanders. The manuscript is dated on the late 15 th century. Its most striking element is a series of rulers over Flanders, with their coats of arms. This section with the portraits and arms is probably of a slightly later date based on the watermarks ca.

FS Peter Moraw Berlin, pp. Heidelberg, UB, cod. It contains miniatures of Hungarian rulers, some of which with their coats of arms. This manuscript contains the statutes of the Order of the Golden Fleece and lists its members. The knights of the order are presented with their coats of arms from p.

20th Century Religious Thought

This part is structured by the chapters of the order at which new members were admitted. The manuscript was probably produced in the late 15th century and parts were added in the 16th century. The manuscript Banderia Prutenorum represents the banners of Teutonic knights who were defeated by Polish and Lithuanian forces at Tannenberg in In total, 56 banners, of which the last 10 are later additions, are depicted. Mgq Tafel 6].

The Rous Roll , named after his maker John Rous, is a roll containing short biographies of more that 50 persons. Their portrets are pen-drawn, and accompanied by their painted coats of arms. The roll dates from It is named after Thomas Holmes, who was Clarenceux King of Arms in the late 15th century, but it is unclear who were the authors of the various parts of this work. The first part contains verses on the Kings of England, who are depicted in a tabard with their coat of arms. The second part presents charging knights on their horses.

Their blasons are depicted on their clothing and horses. This manuscript is a copy of the Statutes of the Order of the Golden Fleece. It has been produced in Bruges in the s. The coats of arms of the knights of the order are depicted on f. This is the first armorial of the Order of the Garter. Contrary to most armorials, this manuscript is written in Latin.

It holds 25 banners and multiple small collections of coats of arms, each containing two to several dozen coats of arms. Turrel e. Aires Augusto Nascimento, Livro de arautos. De ministerio armorum, script. Rylands Library Manchester. This manuscript is generally called the Gossembrot armorial.

It dates from Gossembrot was a a prominent patrician in the city of Augsburg. Furthermore, it holds a section with blazoned versions of the presented coats of arms. There is no modern edition of this armorial. It contains coats of arms of the European nobility, imaginary coats of arms and a section dedicated to the various tournament societies in late 15th century southern Germany. This 17th century collection by Johann Gottfried von Redinghoven contains a section that is called armorial Redinghoven , a manuscript from the s f. In the 16th century, a man named Jobst Walther sent this armorial from Barcelona to Jakob Fugger in Augsburg, and thus this Spanish manuscript ended up in a German library.

The full title of this armorial is: Armas de los Condes, Vescondes, Vervefores, marqueses, barones etc. It contains coats of arms of Spanish and Portuguese noblemen. The armorial stems from the second half of the 15th or the first half of the 16th century. The manuscript was made in the last quarter of the 15th century. It shows some interesting imaginary coats of arms such as the Trinity symbol and the Arma Christi. Further, it holds arms from kings and nobles throughout Europe, with a special focus on southern German nobility.

Catalogue description online. The BSB, Cod. It dates from the s and it contains among others coats of arms of German princes, counts and bishops. BSB, cod. It has probably been made in the south of Germany and it presents the coats of arms of the southern German and Austrian nobility. This armorial is little studied. It dates from the s and contains, interestingly, two images of the herald Anton Tirol.

The armorial presents a collection of coats of arms of from Austria, Burgundy, France as well as the Quaternionen and a text on the origin of heralds. BSB cod. The first few pages are probably from Augsburg and stem from the last quarter of the 15th century. The main part of the armorial, however, dates from the 16th century, also from Southern Germany. It depicts coats of arms of German nobles. It dates from the mid 15th century, but it contains an elaborate 17th century addition as well. Mainly German, Dutch and Austrian nobles are represented, whose coats of arms fill the entire page.

It presents the coats of arms of the members of knightly order of Saint-Hubert. The manuscript was probably made in the second half of the 15th century. A few pages in the chronicle of Cologne have the characteristics of an armorial. The author of this chronicle is unknown, but we do know the name of printer: Johann Koelhoff the Younger, who printed this book in This manuscript, written in Latin and English, is a heraldic treatise from the second half of the 15th century.

At first glance it appears to be for educational or reference purposes, since the texts seem to indicate the names of charges and figures in the coats of arms. In this case, the institution for which the armorial was produced was the famed Order of the Golden Fleece, established in by Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy. The manuscript was made in the late s, depicting coats of arms of members of the order as well as of other European nobles. The manuscript is well known for its portraits of mounted kings and high nobles.

This book deals with the knights of the round table and contains a portrait and the coat of arms of each knight. It is written in French and dates from the late 15th century. This manuscript contains a short armorial with the coats of arms of the knight of the round table. It is written in French and probably dates from the second half of the 15 th century. This 15 th -century manuscript presents the Knights of the Round Table, with their coats of arms.

The manuscript, produced in the 15th century, is generally acknowledged to be a copy of a late 13th century original. The coats of arms in this armorial are not painted, but blazoned. The manuscript BnF, ms. In its current state the manuscript is somewhat disordered. Emmanuel de Boos, Armorial de Gilles de Bouvier. This 15th century manuscript contains a short collection of coats of arms of 12 pages.

It presents European kings and French nobility. This 15 th -century manuscript presents the Knight of the Order of the Round Table, with their coats of arms. This manuscript dates from the late 15th century. It appears to be a heraldic treatise, with a collection of coats of arms on f. On one of the first pages the French king is depicted, encircled by the coats of arms of high French nobles.

This manuscript, containing the Argentaye tract, holds a short painted collection of coats of arms and from f. It dates from the late 15th century. The Brittany part of the blazoned collection has been edited. Accessible online. The manuscript ms. It originates from Lotharingia and dates from the midth century. It depicts coats of arms of nobles all over Europe, with a special focus on the French nobility. This armorial is quite unique, for it only represents the coats of arms of the nobles of three regions: Auvergne, Bourbonnais and Forez. These regions were in possession of Charles I of Bourbon and the armorial was dedicated to his memory.

Besides coats of arms, the amorial contains many detailed views of towns and castles in these areas. After some coats of arms that appear to serve as an educational example, the arms of some European kings and dukes are presented. This late th — century manuscript is a copy of the genealogy of Pierre of Luxembourg and his wife Marguerite des Baux. The explicit states it was made in , but it probably concerns a slightly later copy of the original Paris, BnF, ms.

The texts in which the ancestors are described are accompanied by their coats of arms. It dates from the ss. One series depict a scene where great historical leaders are commemorated, and their coats of arms are depicted on the miniatures. The following article deals with the heraldry in this book. His manuscript dates from the s. The collection of coats of arms contains among others imaginary coats of arms, arms of the European kings and French nobles. This armorial is often reffered to as the armorial of the herald of Navarra , although it is definitely not certain that the herald of Navarra was actually the compiler of this work.

The original dates from the late 14th century, but has been lost. This copy of this digitized version dates from the 15th century and holds coats of arms of the French royal family and other French nobles, plus some European kings. Paris, BnF, ms.