The sentiments here echoLully's description of his opera as an entertainment that the king provides for the benefit ofthe court and shows the appropriate relationship between the stage, the monarch, and hispeople. There is usually—but notalways—a sharp divide between the story of the prologue and the story of the maintragedy.
Roland, in Roland, goes mad over his lostlove. The fact that a new prologue was composed for the revival underscores the connectionbetween prologues and a contemporary events surrounding a performance. This procedure helps to protect against readingany particular figure of power as being directly analogous to Louis XIV or other figuresfrom political reality. Of course, sometimes the story of the tragedy was thought torepresent real-life situations, in one case with dire consequences. No positive image clearlyidentifiable with Louis XIV appears. Instead, the prologue previews what will come in thetragedy by staging the scene that occurs in 1 Samuel Saul visits a witch who summonsthe ghost of Samuel, who in turn informs Saul that he and his sons will die and that Davidand the Philistine army will defeat the army of Israel.
Here one also notes another unusualaspect of this prologue: the character of Saul appears in both the prologue and the tragedy. See Norman, Touched by the Graces, — What am I doing? His visitation of a witch to divine his fate further distances him fromthe image of a self-assured king. At first glance, this prologue seems not to act as atransition from reality to plot so much as it plunges the spectator immediately into thestory. The abruptness with which the plot begins and its lack of panegyrics might seemgrounds to declare this work as diverging completely from the typical role of the prologuein the works of Lully and Quinault.
See also Harris-Warrick, Dance and Drama, This dramatic situation recalls the aforementioned prologue to Cadmus etHermione, as Envy summons miscellaneous infernal forces before calling up the monsterPython. The difference is that no force of good—such as the Sun in Cadmus—comes todestroy these forces of darkness in David et Jonathas. The witch is in control, and onlyshe allows the demons to dissipate once their aid in summoning Samuel has transpired.
Without the protection afforded by a panegyrical prologue, it becomes morepossible in David et Jonathas to ascribe a political interpretation to the entire work. Sincewe are shown no clear image of the king, there is greater possibility to identify the actionsof powerful characters portrayed in the work with those of Louis XIV. The subject matterindeed invites such a reading, as it concerns two kings: Saul, the war-thirsty, godlesstyrant, and the future King David, faithful, stable, and divinely anointed.
We have seenthat the heroes of the tragedy proper tend to be flawed, yet David et Jonathas presents uswith two characters who embody very different approaches to handling power, one greatlyflawed and one nearly flawless. Accordingly, anything whatsoever that I elect ought to be chosen as an aid toward thatend. See also Isherwood, Music in the Service, Ch. Ganss, ed. Louis XIV had through several actions damaged his relationship with the Pope in thatdecade, and he had thereby placed the Jesuits in a difficult position of conflicting loyalties. We will now turn to a brief history of the Jesuits in France to examine theirhistorical relationship with the monarchy.
Thereafter, a discussion of the emergence ofJesuit theater will show how the king was represented in earlier theatrical pieces on theJesuit stage. We shall review certain aspects of the political reality in the s that strainedthe relationship between the Jesuits and the king, particularly a series of events thatdamaged Papal relations with France. This man is better known since hisdeath as St. Ignatius c. Many aspects of Jesuit spirituality and the priorities of Jesuiteducation have their roots in the personal experiences of Ignatius and the manner inwhich he found himself drawn to a religious life, for initially, he seemed relativelyunconcerned with matters of faith.
He instead had more interest in pursuing a life in themilitary, and in the first decade of the s he became attached to the royal court ofSpain, an experience that indoctrinated him into the chivalrous life of a courtier, completewith an exposure to worldly knowledge, to chivalric literature, and to the amorousentanglements associated with such a lifestyle. It arguably shaped his laterappreciation for a liberal education as well as a certain regret for his erstwhile enthusiasmfor carnal pleasures.
This trying time transformedIgnatius. He overcame these concerns only through intenseself-reflection, in which he dwelled on the nature of his sins and allowed himself toimagine vividly the eventual punishment he would therefore receive in Hell. He thencontrasted these thoughts with an attempt to understand the grace of God as it appeared inthe pious actions of the saints and of the experiences of Christ. He would eventually codify thisimaginative and transformative experience into his Spiritual Exercises, or Exercitiaspiritualia first published in Rome, , a systematic treatise on the art of findingGod's will inside oneself.
Ignatius saw his Spiritual Exercises as a tool for Jesuit recruits to betterthemselves, designing a month-long program in which an initiate had a companion guidehim through the stages of the book. The exercises are divided into four weeks, and inorder to ensure that the devoted party keep his mind on the subject at hand, he would notbe allowed to read the book himself at his leisure, relying instead on his overseer to direct Bangert, A History, 6. The first week requires that the subject focus on the nature of sin ingeneral, on his own sins, and on the nature of Hell.
During his own process of coming toterms with his sinful past, Ignatius must have found this an essential step.
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Fitzpatrick, ed. The emphasis on experiencing edification vividly—actuallyplacing oneself mentally among the characters and events of Biblical situations—explainsin part why collegiate theatrical productions would become so instrumental to theSociety. These works still have force even today. Thomas Aquinas, and Aristotelian philosophyand metaphysics. Professors of theology are mandated to regard St. By the sixteenth century, universities either began to embrace humanism in thetradition of Petrarch and Erasmus, or cling ever more firmly to the Quadrivium at the The Institute of Jesuit Sources, , 11— Ignatius, Not only did the choice of curriculum divide the twoapproaches, but the end goal of education was also different.
John O'Malley has discussedthe extent to which humanism undergirds Jesuit teaching priorities. First, on thelevel of belief in both the practical and the more broadly humanizing potential of thehumanities, and second, on the level of concern for the yearnings of the human heartarising from Ignatian spirituality.
As we shall see later, the high position held byAristotle in Jesuit education and the tendency to adhere to rules would influence how theyadapted fashionable forms of entertainment to the demands of ancient authority. Ignatius had gained his first followers in that city,and one could therefore say that the germ of the Society had originated there. However,France proved a fairly hostile environment for the Society even from its foundations. While Pope Paul III had officially announced his endorsement of the Jesuits in the bullRegimini militantis ecclesiae , the Gallican church's relative independence fromRome and the presence of some official Calvinist sympathy during s hindered theexpansion of the Jesuits in France.
Astheir numbers increased, the Society became the object of much suspicion, for their loyaltyto the Pope at times put them at odds with the French crown. Moreover, a handful of fairlyradical Jesuits in Spain and elsewhere did not endear the Society to the French when theypublished controversial works which questioned the idea of monarchical power. TheJesuits faced a most trying episode during the reign of Henry IV r.
Unhelpfully, a radical Jesuit priest had in a sermon welcomed the idea of Henry's death; this connection further solidified theerroneous perception that the Society had advocated the assassination of the monarch. Mariana, a Spaniard, pennedhis De rege et regis institutione in , a work which appears to question the idea of thedivine origins of monarchy, instead suggesting that a king's right to rule is granted bysociety at large. His mind wasagitated with his evil plans, and as the punishments of his crimes drove him on[,]he swayed along blindly in his course. After he had been disclaimed by theauthority of God, the right of ruling was transferred to David, along with themystical anointing.
Nevertheless, though Saul was ruling unjustly and hadslipped down into folly and crimes, his rival, David, did not dare to injure himand he [Saul] was put back into power time and again. Yet David seemed to be ina position to do it legally either by making rightful claim to the dominion, or onthe grounds of looking out for his own safety; while Saul, unprovoked by anywrongs, was plotting in every way to take even his life, and dogging the footstepsof the innocent man wherever he presented himself.
Though Mariana mentions above that it is in some cases acceptable to kill a king,he cites this story to soften that stance.
However,Parlement demanded that all copies of Mariana's tract be burned in , which was also Mariana, The King, — Rather than facing defeat againstDavid, he begged the soldier to kill him. See 1 Samuel —4. It was this soldier who later relayed thedeaths to David; David then had a guard kill the soldier for having had the audacity kill a king even though44the year another inflammatory Jesuit work, Robert Bellarmine's Tractatus de potestatesummi pontificis in rebus temporalibus, was published.
Bellarmine attempted to re-affirmthe Pope's supremacy over kings in temporal affairs in response to the Scotsman WilliamBarclay's De regno et regali potestate of , which by contrast insisted upon the Godlyorigins of regal power. The apparent position against monarchical authority in thesepublications of many albeit foreign Jesuits damaged the image of the Society greatly inthe first decade of seventeenth-century France.
Nevertheless, as Thomas Worcester hasshown, due to the careful flattery of the monarchy in print by certain prominent FrenchJesuits, the Society was able to repair their image at least with those who mattered most totheir eventual acceptance: the royal family. The first such individual was arguably Pierre Coton — KingHenry IV, after having survived his first assassination attempt in , succumbed to alater incident of regicide in Again, the Jesuits were implicated, though those closestto the king must have assumed their innocence, since the monarch had done the Society agreat kindness that put them very much in his debt: by the Edict of Rouen , heremoved the order of exile against them that the courts had issued in How horrible this sinking!
France, favorite of Heavenand most loved by God, who has removed from you the mantle of glory thatcovered you, and the Crown of honor that was raised so high upon yourmaster? One can surmise that,despite their deference to the central Church and its policy to send annual Romaninspectors as enforcers, the French Jesuits were realists and knew that they could suffermuch more at the hands of the local government.
Another sign of the growing bond between the French monarchy and the Societyof Jesus came in the formation of a tradition that would linger into the early eighteenthcentury: both Louis XIII and his son would always name a Jesuit as their personal Bangert, A History, This trendbegan with Jean Suffren, named to the post in by Cardinal Richelieu, Louis' firstminister.
Richelieu had some reservations about his own appointment and encouragedSuffren to keep himself circumspect with respect to the king. Suffren's successor, NicolasCaussin, had even greater trouble with Richelieu when he beseeched the king to withdrawfrom the Thirty Years' War and subsequently found himself banished by the Cardinal. This example would certainly not be the lastin which the French crown's political ambitions put the Jesuits in a highly awkwardposition.
They of course could not support the king when he befriended those theyviewed as heretics and infidels. Moreover, both some Jesuits and their opponents alikehad reservations about members of the Society rising to so high a place among the elite;this fact naturally stoked the embers of those who continued to suspect the Jesuits asconspiring with foreign powers to bring ruin to France. Named after Cornelius Jansen, this ideology had its roots in thetheology of St.
Augustine, after whom Jansen had named his influential book Augustinusseu doctrina Sancti Augustini de humanae naturae sanitate, aegritudine, medicinaadversus Pelagianos et Massilianses Two of the earliest and most famousfollowers of Jansen were Antoine Arnauld and Blaise Pascal, both of whom believed thatthe Jesuits lacked moral rigor. What if you were doing a bad thing to achieve a worthwhile end? In the Spiritual Exercises, the Ratio studiorum, the Constitutions, and throughout theJesuits' actions in history, one can see a cautious sort of liberty afforded to humanity toact upon the individual conscience, choosing among various authorities to arrive upon asolution to a difficult moral dilemma that best suited the needs of the time.
This is knownas the doctrine of probabilism. Moreover, the Jansenists' foundations inSt. Thomae Aquinatis Bergamo: In recounting this history, we glean that the Jesuits at large feared that too great anemphasis on the secular authority of kings could generate tyrants. Defense againsttyranny was a preoccupation for the Society, at least according to the pamphlet writerssuch as Mariana. In an age where monarchs increasingly wished to emphasize theirindependence from Papal authority, the Jesuits—particularly those in France—had to finda careful balance between showing their support for the governments that allowed themto operate while still maintaining loyalty to Rome.
Representations of the King on Two StagesWe have seen thus far how the Jesuits gained monarchical support by thepublication of materials dripping with praise for the house of Bourbon. As Louis poured resources into the ballet and laterthe opera, the Jesuits caught onto the fashion for these art forms and staged their own, See, for example, Blaise Pascal, Les lettres provinciales, Letters 5 and 6 20 March and 10April Louis XIII hadindicated in his will that his Queen would share power with a cabinet of ministers afterhis death, but Anne took immediate steps to ensure her exclusive right to rule.
Sheapparently knew little, however, about governance, and entrusted the actual power ofpolicy-making to Louis XIII's minister, Cardinal Mazarin, who fostered a great deal ofhatred for himself among the landed gentry, not the least of which because he was Italian. It was no secret that he was in charge, and various factions, including the Parlement andthe feudal landowners, all sought to take advantage of the decentralization of powerduring this time to better their own lots.
This led to the series of rebellious episodescollectively known as the Fronde, a string of violent insurrections which caused Paris attimes to become so dangerous that the royal family had to vacate the Palais Royale in fearfor their own safety. Ballet had for almost a century flourished at the French court, and its O'Malley, "From the Ratio Studiorum," Dunlop reports accounts that theQueen 'ne savait pas rien de rien.
Norton, , All forms developed concurrently and invaded each other. Because ballets often arose to celebrate specific events, they would allude to currentreality and praise the largesse of the monarch who made such celebrations possible. Thispractice intensified under Louis XIII's reign, and thereby the ballet de cour solidified itsrole as a strong link between an ideally generous king and his grateful subjects.
Of course, neither the Italian language nor the Italian musical stylehelped dispel the idea among the French that opera was a foreign art form incompatiblewith French tastes. James R. Anthony, French Baroque Music, rev. New York: W. Norton, , Ch. In fact, his move to push Italian entertainment on the court onlyreminded the courtiers of Mazarin's own status as a foreigner determined to impart hisown will on the Gauls.
The French reaction to the earliest operas presented in and waslukewarm at best. Luigi Rossi's Orfeo, however, premiered in France in with stagingdesigned by the esteemed Italian machinist and set designer Giacomo Torelli. It was asuccess. The spectacular effects he created, along with the inclusion of ballets between theacts, created a composite work that the French ultimately enjoyed.
Orfeo had sixperformances over the course of two months. Isherwood names several contemporary estimates on the order of hundreds ofthousands of livres. Louis XIV came of age on September 5th, , at the age of thirteen. This year also signaled therenewed interest in ballet as the dominant courtly entertainment. Mazarin had been forcedinto exile, and upon reaching his majority the young Louis wasted no time in followingthe model of his father to resume the production of ballets for his own political benefit.
Already an accomplished dancer, he made his debut in February of in the balletCassandre, whose scenario had been designed by Isaac Benserade; it was Benserade'sloyalty to the crown and to Mazarin that had afforded him the honor of devising thework. Subject matter took its cue from several sources, includinghistory, mythology, or the purely allegorical. Characters might be mere personifications ofconcepts, and the serious and the comical stood side by side. Though the final version of the Ratio Studiorumcompleted in says nothing about dance or music, it does include a provision fordramas given at the annual ceremony for the distribution of prizes given to students foroutstanding achievements.
There would be in every class on every day a lesson in song to be given by a competent lay musician, and"a song of the Holy Spirit will be sung at the beginning of classes each morning. He writes:The plot should be so handled, wherever it is taken from, that nothing which isnot serious, and grave, and worthy of a Christian poet will be included. A playwith splendid and well-defined characters affects and moves the spectator morethan the most learned and eloquent speech.
Therefore, let there be no place forprofane love, however chaste it is, no place for female characters, whateverattraction they be endowed with [ Moreover, our rule does not allow it, since it desires to preserve theliterary exercises of our schools in Latin. Also, our theatres should not strive togive any delight whatsoever, but only that delight of a learned and selectspectator. These wonders of the art become cheap when we lower them to thetaste and desires of the uneducated multitude.
Such documents are primarilyheld in the F-Pn. The topic of dreams in the ballet is fitting because the maincharacter of the tragedy, Balthazar, predicted to fall of the Assyrian empire through clairvoyant dreams. See ibid. He also cites also examples in Scripture whereindance is described with approbation, including when the Israelites celebrated the finalvictory of David over the Philistines.
By thatpoint, ballets had become an ubiquitous part of the annual entertainments, and by ,the school began to put on tragedies with ballets during Carnival season also, starting acycle of biannual entertainments that continued with only a few exceptions to Enfin,60and Thoinot Arbeau, among others—who all agree with the importance of dance forcourtly life. For a drama presented before the king in his formative years, the theme of theimportance of obedience to Divine Will was naturally appropriate.
An account of thisevent in Renaudot's Gazette describes its perceived purpose and its grandeur:The Jesuit Fathers, who forget nothing in the education of the children of the bestfamilies in this city who are committed to them, had performed at their collegethe previous week the history of Saul, first king of the Israelites, taken from HolyScripture and adorned with poetic inventions and morals necessary to endear [theaudience to] correct actions and to avoid wrongs: that is the principal law whichnot only poems but all the works of Christians must put forward.
The theater wasin the courtyard of the College of these Fathers [ She cites for example de Lauze, Apologie de la danse, facs. One experienced there also several dances,Ballets, postures, and cadences,Where many sons of princes and lordsAppeared there with honor,Not so much for their rich clothing,Which they rendered entirely nimble,But for the disposition,The grace, the beautiful action,The agreeable look, the skill,The sprightliness, and the youthof these lovable damsels,Which for the most part were very beautiful.
Between these young persons,All of high and noble lineages,Armagnac, Soissons, Chateauneuf,and others One difference was that thecourtiers did not participate in the performance but only watched. The fact that the subject Loret, Muze historique Letter 32 13 August , repr.
Janvet, , — According to that synopsis, pagan gods such asMars and allegorical characters such as Jealousy, Death, Fortune, and Time all makeappearances alongside Philistine and Israelite soldiers proper to the play. Suchliberties were confined to the ballets, thus keeping the content of the play free fromsecular influences. The Jesuits, like the court, therefore closely identified the figure of Apollo withthe king. It was not until that France's political situation had stabilizedenough for Louis' actual coronation ceremony.
During the late s, Louis continued tocraft his image as a young, powerful monarch, both as the embodiment of the state and asa youthful, desirable lover. Ballet, of course, played no small role in projecting both ofthese aspects. These were the conflicting interests of a monarch: on the one hand, to love,to bring peace, and to foster an atmosphere of pleasure for his subjects, and on the other,to triumph, to expand the interests of the state, and to pursue his personal gloire. The ballets later in the decaderetained those twin themes, and due to the continued influence of Mazarin, the Frenchand Italian languages and musical styles at times appeared—sometimes for comic See Rebecca Harris-Warrick, Dance and Drama in French Baroque Opera Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, , Since the Dutch War, it is no longer the fires i.
Here Jean-Baptiste Lully, born in Florence and brought to France totutor the Duchesse de Montpensier in Italian, had an inherent advantage as he contributedever more frequently to the court ballet.
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Though at least one ballet was produced at court each year, Mazarin apparentlyopted at least once to forgo the usual ballet in , due to costly expansions of theLouvre palace. We have already seenhow Mazarin did not hesitate to spend lavishly on diversions even as Paris ached withhunger and discomfort, for the State nearly always had the resources and the privilege tochannel its funding in this way.
For the Jesuits, without the same access to funds as thecourt, the matter would seem different. According toRussell, this saved , livres. Dance, in particular, had always been at the forefront of Louis' artistic concerns, as wehave seen.
One will immediately see how these accounts of the importance of dance resonatewith the value placed upon it by the Jesuits, as evidenced above. By , they succeeded in recruiting Pierre Beauchamps, courtchoreographer and dancing master to the king; he would go on to choreograph for theJesuits until his death.
Unfortunately no printed program survives for either the tragedy or the ballet,whose subjects are the same. The only details we have from thisperformance come from Loret, who writes:This plausible subject was takenFrom the Book of Kings in the Bible The Great Book of the good people Chapter I don't know whichHaving for its title, at the frontispiece,The Theater of JusticeFather Darrouy, profound doctor,Is its noble and dignified author.
Though we know little about the plot, the title and the timing of the choice ofsubject suggest a connection. As the story of Saul seemed an appropriate subject for theyoung king when he came of age the previous decade, the Jesuits chose the subject againin the year that the king took full control of the government, having lost Mazarin andhaving opted to dissolve his cabinet.
The story of Saul teaches that it is God's choice, notmerely the inheritance of royal blood, which determines who should have the throne. When Saul defies God, his son and heir Jonathan is killed in battle, and David insteadbecomes king with the Lord's approval. The Jesuits had a long history of preoccupation with thistopic, as evidenced in the aforementioned events of the first half of the seventeenthcentury. Indeed, as Cowart shows, his actions sponsored protests bothquietly voiced through subtle artistic symbolism and the publication of vitriolicpamphlets.
As we have already seen, theJesuits had always seen the necessity to watch out for tyranny, even if they did notcondone the assassinations of Henry III and Henry IV. The Jesuits' position regarding thenature of monarchy, however, owed much to the theologian they respected above allothers, St. Thomas Aquinas. Aquinas described monarchy as the most perfect form ofgovernment, since in no other way could a society have a more unified sense of directionthan when it was shepherded by a single person.
Gerald B. That the Jesuits chose to remind Paris of the message carried by Saul's downfallwas a fairly innocuous gesture: following Aquinas and Mariana, advice to avoid tyrannywas always fitting. Thecontent of neither of these plays is extant, and no synopsis of the action in the balletsurvives. This genre, a creation of Quinault and Lully, becameexclusively theirs, as Lully would acquire the sole right to produce such large-scaletheatrical works with music. The Jesuits having closely modeled elements of their ballets on the fashions ofthe ballet de cour, one would expect them to have immediately followed the shift towardsopera as the dominant courtly entertainment.
His attempts ultimately failed. Poet Pierre Perrin first tookseriously the idea of creating a distinctly French form of opera. Following that, Mazarin commissioned another French-language work fromPerrin and Cambert, which would become Ariane, ou le mariage de Bacchus; they wouldhave to wait until until the opportunity arose for its performance.
Perrin Paris:Estienne Loyson, , —, and —, respectively. The tradition of ballets, of course, had not yet begun during his timethere. The king installed the companyin the theater of the Palais Royale in , thus allowing their exposure to the highestechelon of society. Charpentier was born in Paris, but all evidence—mostly in the form ofcontemporary gossip—suggests that he received significant musical training in Romeunder Carissimi, though details about this arrangement do not survive.
Understandably, Lully was livid. Ranum,Portraits, , note 13 contains a full list of mentions of Charpentier's studies with Carissimi in theMercure Galant and elsewhere. These biographical details are still fairly sketchy, and Ranum has donemuch to augment Catherine Cessac's work to help fill in the gaps.
After the shift in emphasis toopera as the genre most closely associated with the king, one might expect the Jesuits tohave pursued opera in order to solidify their relationship with the monarchy as they haddone by regularly introducing ballets into their entertainments from onward. What is striking is that the Jesuits'ballets continued as before, apparently with no immediate rebuke from Lully. Charpentier composedseveral quasi-operatic works for his primary employers at the House of Guise, as well as This new ordinance 12 August , reproduced in Nuitter, Les origines, Ranum points out that the last of these requires fourteensingers and that, in addition to the usual instrumentalists belonging to the Guises' music,two court musicians also played.
How was it that such flagrant violations of Lully'shold on musical theater could pass apparently untroubled by the Florentine? The king'sprotection may have extended to the Jesuits in the same manner, since the rhetoric of theirentertainments afforded him with so much respect. Another possibility, of course, is that the Jesuits obtained written permission fromLully under the terms of his privilege for each performance. In a letter of 4February, , again addressed to La Reynie, he writes:The king orders me to let you know that he wishes that you give permission tothe named Alart to perform in public, at the fair in Saint-Germaine, acrobatics[les sauts], accompanied by some discourse, which he had performed before HisMajesty, on the lone condition that no one sings or dances there.
Thus, inthese two examples of allowed performances, music and dance do not appear to havebeen prominently featured. Depping Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, , vol. In an effort to continue to affirm their closeattachment with the monarch, the Jesuits too celebrated this aspect of the king in theirstage productions. John Lynn describes the earliest wars of the Louis as wars for gloire, a commonlyheld notion; he describes warfare as fitting, however, into a larger scheme of monarchicalgrandeur, writing thatGloire translates best as renown, reputation, or prestige.
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Pursuit of this ultimatequality did not only derive from the desire to enjoy great repute in one's lifetime,but also from the resolution to create an enduring aura that would win the praiseof posterity. Concern for gloire guided the king's actions in a wide range ofventures.
It inspired Louis' creation of the Academy of Sciences and hissponsorship of the composer Lully, as well as his wars. While the Dutch had been oldallies with French, they withdrew their support upon seeing the aggression with whichLouis attempted to seize hold of the Spanish Netherlands, thus leading to the Dutch Warof the s. This conflict arguably concluded as a great success for Louis, for he hadaugmented French territory and brought about the treaty of Nijmegen with the Dutch in By early , France had also signed treaties with Spain and the Holy RomanEmpire, both of which having become involved during the course of the decade-longstrife.
In , they staged the Ballet de la paix, whose printed preface explains itsnature:The work of the peace gloriously brought to completion by France, must be thehappiness of Europe, and it must see to it that virtue, the fine arts, abundance,and joy—the four effects of peace incompatible with the disorders of war—aremade to flower again. Pallas,goddess of virtue, forms hers [her crown] out of an olive branch; Apollo, god ofthe fine arts, out of a laurel branch; Ceres, goddess of abundance, out of spices;Flora, goddess of joy, out of roses.
And the work of these four divinities is that ofLouis the Great. That is the subject of the four parts of this ballet. The second takes place in Parnassus, home of Apollo, the third the fields ofCeres, the fourth the gardens of Flora. In the general ballet that ends thework,] the French assemble the other nations for the coronation of Peace. Theyengage the Spanish, Swedish, Germans, and Dutch, and they oblige the Danishand the people of Brandenburg all to join together to offer Peace the four crowns[the crowns of olives, of laurel, of spices, and of roses representing theaforementioned effects of peace.
These years arguably were the zenith of Louis XIV's prestige, especially in theeyes of the Jesuits, as attests the triumphant image they crafted of him in the Ballet de lapaix and La France victorieuse.
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Jesuit Difficulties in the s portrayed onstageThe positive image of the king evident in the Ballet de la paix touts him as avirtuous, generous patron of the arts, concerned with the cultivation of joy among hissubjects. We haveseen how, throughout their history in France, the Jesuits became practically inseparablefrom the French monarchy, even in situations where their loyalty to Rome and to officialchurch dogma had to be bent in order to retain the Society's security in France.
However, he would shortly thereafter force them intothe awkward position of deciding how far they could follow a monarch determined toincrease his power over the Church. As such, the image of the king on the Jesuit stage ofthe s became less consistently one of unbridled praise. The origins of thisill will lay in the decision of Louis in to broaden the scope of a policy whereby theking had the power to appoint benefices and collect church income when a diocese lackeda bishop.
We fear however no peril, no storm, however cruel and horriblethough it be, drawing glory from the cross of Our Lord Jesus Christ. In , the Bishop of Pamiers in the Archbishopric of Toulouse died,and the Pope lost one of his ardent supporters against the efforts of Louis to expand hisright to dip into the coffers of vacant Sees. Two candidates arose, one being the Pope'schoice and the other having been appointed by the French crown. De la Chaize responded by voicing his concerns to the Jesuit General in Rome, GiovanniPaolo Oliva, who supported the order to print the brief:On the one hand, the commandments of Your Paternity press us.
On the otherhand, their execution is forbidden by royal ordinances. The latter, of the mostancient, divine and human, natural and positive right, oblige the conscience ofthem; the former oblige the same, by virtue of the piety and of the spontaneouslycontracted wishes. To one or the other obligation, as long as the orders do notcontradict each other, satisfaction will be given, even in mortal peril. But if,owing to contrary orders, it becomes necessary to fail on one or the other precept,may Your Paternity judge for himself what we must do in the end!
Fortune, however, relieved the Jesuits fromthis impossible choice: the copy of the Papal brief sent to the Jesuits was found andconfiscated by French authorities before the Jesuits laid eyes on it. To confirm his resolve to settle the dispute over his power, Louis assembled theclergy in to have them ratify the Four Articles of the Gallican Church, selections ofwhich follow:I. There is no power that does not come from God, and it his He whoarranges those which are upon the earth; therefore, that which opposespower resists the order of God.
We consequently declare that Kings andSovereigns are not subject to any ecclesiastical power by the order ofGod in temporal matters. The papal brief isdated 1 January, The rules, morals, and constitutions received in the kingdom must bemaintained, and the limits posed by our Fathers [are] to remainimmovable. Although the Pope has the principal part in questions of faith and hisDecrees pertain to all of the Churches and each Church in particular, hisjudgment is nevertheless not irreformable. In as before,the Jesuits seemed to accept the Articles, and the rest of the clergy ratified them withouthesitation.
However, trouble arose when the king ordered that the Jesuits teach the FourArticles in their schools. The Jesuit general in Rome at the time, Father de Noyelle,refused outright to allow the Jesuits to promote such anti-Papist teachings; and again, itwas thanks to Father de la Chaize's diplomatic skills and objections raised by theSorbonne and other non-Jesuit institutions that Louis rescinded his order.
The goal was toconvert every last Calvinist to Catholicism, by any means necessary. Louis and hisminister of war, Louvois, dispatched the military to predominantly Protestant towns,forcibly requiring that the soldiers be quartered in private homes. The clergy were unitedin their approval of the crackdown on heresy.
The Pope, furthermore, did not approve of the violencewith which the process was carried out, nor did he believe that the convertees could betrue Catholics when many lived in bishoprics whose posts were vacant, the Pope havingbegun to refuse filling them due to the Four Articles. Pope Innocent beseeched Louisto aid his fellow Christians in , a request which Louis refused. In their theatrical works, the Jesuits addressed both the tensions between theEmpire and France and the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. In , the Latin tragedyfor the August distribution of prizes at Clermont took the subject of Clovis from thehistory of France, written by Father Jouvancy.
Clovis and his son Thierry become convinced thatChristianity is the true faith, and the wedding proceeds, all having converted it is worthnoting that Jouvancy ignored his own admonishments from the Ratio discendi regardingthe unsuitability of female roles to the Jesuit stage, but both prominent female parts wereplayed by boys. This story speaks to a hope for the end of the long conflict between theGerman territories and France, as they had both been Christian lands for over amillennium. In the wake of Louis' refusal to aid the Empire against the Turks—and inanticipation of the coming war suggested by the formation of the League of Augsburg— Joseph de Jouvancy, Clovis Paris: Gabriel Martin, , 2.
While Clovis voiced the Jesuits' unease with the resumption of war with the HolyRoman Empire, the ballet interlaced with Clovis praised Louis for his noble destruction ofthe heretics. Some French Catholics, such as the oft-cited commentator Louis de Rouvroy,Duke of Saint-Simon, deplored the violent tactics with which the conversion of Protestantswas taking place. A new war with theEmperor, however, did not seem justified whatever the political motivation. Tensionswere escalating as Louis had sought throughout the s to extend his borders: thismotivation for war must have seemed terribly petty to the Jesuits.
Their position wasawkward enough under the king's strained relationship with the Vatican; a war with theHoly Roman Empire would only make matters worse. In , the Jesuits seemed to be clinging to the glorious past by reviving theballet La France victorieuse from That opening line was printed again in the synopsis distributed at the performance. Because the ballet emphasized the peace brought about by the conclusion of the DutchWar, it sent the message that destabilizing that peace would undermine the victory of As evidenced Summa theologiae, 2a2ae.
Translated in Thomas R. Heath, St. Thomas Aquinas:Summa theologiae, vol. Translated in Heath, This symbolism also took on a new meaning in the year , as Louis had begunto turn his back upon the arts in the middle of the decade. Thus the pair of artists that had done so much to found the tradition of French opera wasriven apart. Quinault died shortly thereafter, and so did Lully, in In the next chapter we shall examine the ways in which theseworks do or do not resemble the works of Lully and Quinault in that genre, but it is worth Cowart, The Triumph, Filter Sort.
Sorted By: Top Matches. Filtered By:. Grid List. Order By: Top Matches. Les Miserables by Victor Hugo. In stock online Available in stores. But his attempts to become a respected member of the…. Mass Market Paperback. Enriched Classics offer readers accessible editions of great works of literature enhanced by helpful notes and commentary. Each book includes educational tools alongside the text, enabling students and readers alike to gain a deeper and more developed….
In stock online Not available in stores. Notre-Dame de Paris by Victor Hugo. Three extraordinary characters caught in a web of fatal obsession are at the centre of Hugo's novel. The grotesque hunchback Quasimodo, bell-ringer of Notre-Dame, owes his life to the austere archdeacon, Claude Frollo, who in turn is bound by a hopeless passion…. It tells the story of the beautiful gypsy Esmeralda, condemned as a witch by the….
It has been said that Victor Hugo has a street named after him in virtually every town in France. In this story of the trials…. Victor Hugo, the French poet and writer, who wished to change how novels were written and read, wrote The Hunchback of Notra-Dame in the beginning of his career. In contrast to Les Miserables, which is his more celebrated work, and was written several decades….
The majority of volumes have their indices bound in at the front of the volume. Volumes XVII onwards have been bound in with the original magazine covers. The internals of all volumes are for the most part in excellent condition. In uniform black cloth bindings. Motor Sport magazine began in July when the Brooklands Gazette was first published. The work was soon renamed the Motor Sport and is considered to be the authoritative voice on the motor racing world. The editor of the magazine from was Bill Boddy. Boddy penned much of the history of British race track Brooklands. Condition: In uniform cloth bindings.
Externally, generally smart. Bumping to the head and tail of spines. Patches of light rubbing to the head and tail of spines also. Volume 8 and 11 spines have faded. Split to the cloth at rear joint of volume 10 resulting in the backstrip lifting. Gilt stamping to volumes are somewhat faded. Slightly heavier rubbing to the joints of volume A few small spots of white ink to the spine of volume Rear board to volume 53 is warped. Damp staining to the spine and boards of volume Lighter patches of damp staining to the boards of volumes 40, 43, 44, 61 and 63 Otherwise a few light marks to boards.
Internally, all volumes are firmly bound. Pages are generally bright. Some of the older volumes have slight age toning to edges due to paper used. Scattered spotsto the endpapers and just the occasional spots to pages. Frontispiece photo, maps, including large color folding map. New York: Scribner, First American Edition. Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. Editus iussu et auctoriatate consiliia ab Academiis Societatibusque diversarum nationum electi, Volumen 5, Pars altera: E.
Leipzig, Teubner, Ehemaliges Bibliotheksexemplar mit Signatur und Stempel. Ltd,, Large octavo. Original green cloth-backed grey boards, white paper label to spine printed black, spare label bound in at rear. With the dust jacket. Housed in a custom green flat-backed folding case. Illustrated throughout by E. An excellent, unopened copy in the jacket, just faintly toned to spine and edges of panels. Signed limited edition, number 45 of large paper copies signed by both Grahame and Shepard. Wind in the Willows was first published in with only a frontispiece for illustration, and Shepard, well-known by then for his illustrations of A.
Milne's Winnie the Pooh series, was asked to illustrate a new edition, following on from Milne's popular adaptation of the book for stage, Toad of Toad Hall. In Shepard visited Grahame at his house in Pangbourne to make sketches, and at their first meeting Grahame said to him, "I love these little people, be kind to them". Shepard's classic illustrations of anthropomorphized animals render this the most popular version of the book even today.
Dalle origini a Roma capitale. Rilegatura in piena tela, leggeremente allentata. Dorsi leggermente scoloriti, con tasselli; parzialmente staccati quelli del secondo e terzo volume. Suddiviso in due tomi il primo volume "I fatti". Numerose illustrazioni in nero nel testo. Bardenhewer, K. Weyman, J. A lovely, Fine copy of the book with a previous owner's bookplate on the front paste-down, otherwise crisp, bright and untouched.
Completely unrepaired and unrestored, and presenting very well. Faulkner's controversial prohibition era novel was a commercial and critical success; and along with his novels The Sound and the Fury and As I Lay Dying, Sanctuary led to his Nobel Prize for literature in A stirring exploration of the modern world and the fall of men. XIX, pagine in buonissimo stato di conservazione, fioritura ai tagli, rilegature editoriali in tutta tela, con titoli d'oro ai piatti anteriori e con simbolo fascio littorio a quelli posteriori, con usura e strappetti ai bordi, strappo lungo il dorso del vol.
Kupferstiche von J. Buckland Wright. Maastricht, Die Halcyon Presse, Original richly gilt full morocco, signed Louis Malcorps, with a vignette on upper and lower cover by John Buckland Wright. Top gilt. With 12 copper engravings by John Buckland Wright all signed.
In this section:
Handset from J. Colophon signed by the publisher, A. Spine very slightly discolored, a little wear on the ribs, tiny brown stains on lower cover. Because the 15 copies on Japanese paper each contained an extra set of engravings on Pannekoek, only 25 of the 'ordinary' copies were issued with the copper engravings. Halcyon 4. Van Dijk Band 1: Pasenow oder Die Romantik Band 2: Esch oder Die Anarchie Band 3: Huguenau oder Die Sachlichkeit Deckel- und RTitel.
Junis und verbunden zu weiteren gemeinsamen Siegen. Frere Town near Mombasa , Original photograph of David Livingstone's last surviving personal servant and friend, freed from slavery by Livingstone in , Matthew Wellington, his birth name Chemgwimbe, together with members of his family, in front of his home. Manuscript annotations to verso describe the scene, place, year, and some of the provenance. One gelatin silver print photograph mounted onto ivory cardstock matting. Image measures 20,5 x 15,5 cm. Matte measures approximately 25 x 30,5 cm. Mild age-toning to matte, otherwise in Very Good Condition, a rare photograph, suitable for framing.
Provenance: "Given to W. While onboard a Portuguese ship, having been sold again to an Arab slave trader, he and the others in captivity, were liberated by the British cruiser Thetis. He was placed under the care of the Church Missionary Society, and through this organization, he ultimately became a faithful and leading servant of David Livingstone, being one of the men who persevered and risked their lives to transport the explorer's body to the coast, so that his final resting place would be in England. After his rescue, Chemgwimbe adopted the English name Matthew Wellington, by which he better known today.