But Republicans were less racist as evident by the majorities of them that supported black suffrage in referenda than Democrats , and Republicans could not have won votes attacking the "Slave Power" if slavery itself was not a hot-button issue.
And yet McManus is not entirely persuasive. The emphasis on states rights many have been purely a product of local circumstances. And in the end, as McManus points out, the Badger State ultimately favored unionist over states rights doctrines. In one passage on page McManus inadvertently reveals that he may have allowed his opposition to a coercive federal government today affect his judgment of the past.
1.1 – The Fugitive Slave Act
Although McManus provides us with ecological regression estimates of voter movement between elections, he does not use the method to highlight the demographic aspects of Wisconsin's party loyalties. His empirical observations suggest that ethnic and religious identities had much to do with the levels of support won by the Republicans and Democrats.
Given his opposition to ethnocultural interpretations, McManus should have confronted this evidence more systematically. Finally, McManus and those who downplay the differences between Republicans and abolitionists must address the fact that the fight over the territorial issue was more symbolic than substantive. There were very few slaves in the territories in the s, and just as Southern whites demanded that the "right" to bring slaves into territories that could not sustain slavery be preserved, Northerners demanded that the "right" of a Northern majority to prevent slavery's unlikely expansion be respected.
The Republican platforms of and i made no mention of repealing the Fugitive Slave Act, abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, or Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide.
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Washington Robert J. Ida B. Tuttle, Jr. Wagner, Phillip J. But the tools each set of protesters used—the boycott and its concomitant ideal of consumer action—are identical. In doing so, it has picked up a set of constitutional tools with a history that stretches back into the early nineteenth century.
Again, these are not tools that enjoy a very savory reputation in the Progressive community. But it has not always been thus.
This crisis, however, would have been informed by a desire to limit the reach and influence of slavery and slaveholders in the national government, not to sustain that power. Perhaps the most clearly-articulated of these instances was in Wisconsin, where the rescue of the accused fugitive Joshua Glover landed abolitionist newspaper editor Sherman Booth in jail for resisting the Fugitive Slave Act. But a Wisconsin judge granted Booth a writ of habeas corpus and justified his decision by declaring the Fugitive Slave Act unconstitutional.
The U. The case of Abelman v.