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Instead, these influences portrayed them as a colonizing element labor force with unknown and unknowable political loyalties. Given these facts, one would think the Koreans should have been considered a loyal Soviet people. But this was not the case, mainly due to how the Russian empire and, later, the Soviet state linked political loyalty with race or ethnic community. During his six years of fieldwork in Central Asia and Russia, Chang interviewed approximately sixty elderly Koreans who lived in the Russian Far East prior to their deportation in This oral history along with digital technology allowed him to piece together Soviet Korean life as well as their experiences working with and living beside Siberian natives, Chinese, Russians, and the Central Asian peoples.

Chang also discovered that some two thousand Soviet Koreans remained on North Sakhalin island after the Korean deportation was carried out, working on Japanese-Soviet joint ventures extracting coal, gas, petroleum, timber, and other resources. This showed that Soviet socialism was not ideologically pure and was certainly swayed by Japanese capitalism and the monetary benefits of projects that paid the Stalinist regime hard currency for its resources.

Edward Elgar Pub. East Asia, led by China, has been and will continue to be the largest, most rapidly growing region in the world. Yet East Asian financial and monetary integration is only in the early stages of what will necessarily be a long-run process. These 14 essays by different authors address, in six Parts, fundamental long-run issues and prospects.

These include the development of a regional financial architecture, liquidity provision and crisis management, surveillance mechanisms, exchange rate arrangements, currency baskets, an Asian Currency Unit, and ultimately even a single currency. The implications of the rise of China and the role of Japan underlie much of these analyses. However imperfect, the EU is the dominant relevant experience for East Asian financial and monetary integration.

It is important to understand, as the authors do, that it took 47 years from the EU's nascent founding to the establishment of the euro, and that economic integration has preceded political integration. This book importantly addresses such basic issues in this time frame and with an appreciation of the political economy difficulties of financial integration.

Monetary and financial integration in East Asia has proceeded gradually but steadily since the Asian financial crisis of The book as an authoritative cutting-edge collection of papers in respective topics brings the reader to the frontier of the literature. It assesses the steps already taken toward financial integration and brings forward different proposals for future exchange rate arrangements in what has now become the world's most dynamic region.

With contributions from distinguished experts this timely book evaluates the economic and politico-economic arguments and conditions for monetary and financial integration in East Asia. It explores how and to what extent the countries of the region can integrate despite their heterogeneity and their underlying political tensions. Drawing on the European experiences, this book analyzes the economic logic of monetary and financial integration in East Asia and its political feasibility. This invaluable broad analysis will be of interest to academic researchers, students, policy-makers and professional economists working on matters of international economic cooperation, common currency areas, international open economy macroeconomics, and East Asian integration.

Harvard University Press, During his seven-year reign, T'aejo instituted reforms and established traditions that would carry down through the centuries. These included service to Korea's overlord, China, and other practices reflecting China's influence over the peninsula: creation of a bureaucracy based on civil service examinations, a shift from Buddhism to Confucianism, and official records of the deeds of kings, which in the Confucian tradition were an important means of educating succeeding generations. A remarkable compilation process for the sillok, or "veritable records," was instituted to ensure the authority of the annals.

Historiographers were present for every royal audience and wrote down each word that was uttered. They were strictly forbidden to divulge the contents of their daily drafts, however — even the king himself could not view the records with impunity. Choi Byonghyon's translation of the first of Korea's dynastic histories, The Annals of King T'aejo, includes an introduction and annotations.

Hudson Institute will host a conversation on the future of U. America cannot take for granted its cornerstone alliances in Northeast Asia. Decades of success guarantees neither the longevity nor the compatibility of the U. Moreover, U.

Contemporary South Korean Society (Routledge Advances in Korean Studies)

Edwards, Paul M. Korean War Almanac. Facts on File, The Korean War was the first hot war of the Cold War, the first police action undertaken by the United States under the aegis of the United Nations, and the first war to be overshadowed by the menace of nuclear conflagration. It has been called America's forgotten war, but it had a profound impact on East-West relations and America's foreign and military policies.

Offering a wealth of information, Korean War Almanac contains a day-by-day chronology of the events and the people involved in this important war. Alphabetically arranged entries bring the period to life by vividly describing the people, types of weaponry employed, and many other interesting details relevant to this study. Nearly 70 photographs and maps illustrate the engaging text, and an extensive bibliography aids further research. Bermudez, Joseph S. The Armed Forces of North Korea. Tauris, Despite frequent predictions of imminent collapse, the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea continues to pose a threat to South Korea and remains a destabilizing element of north Asia.

The armed forces continue to be the core of the regime, deploying formidable paramilitary and internal security forces against its own people, maintaining a wide network of intelligence services throughout the region, and developing an arsenal of weapons of mass destruction.

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This book provides a detailed account of the links between the regime and the forces, and then describes each wing: air forces, naval forces, ground forces, paramilitary forces, internal security and intelligence reviews. Lanko D. However, the article argues that the very attempt deserves further exploration of the opportunities and challenges that permanent complaining poses to the practice of foreign policy, and to foreign policy analysis.

The Atlantic Council and Korea Foundation's annual forum brings officials and senior experts from the United States and Republic of Korea to develop forward-looking recommendations on priority issues for the US-ROK security alliance and economic partnership, while addressing the long-term vision for the future of the relationship.

This year's forum, in the immediate aftermath of the second Trump-Kim summit, will access the results of the Hanoi summit and explore the path forward for the denuclearized and peaceful Korean peninsula. After the Trump-Kim summit 2.

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What results did the second summit yield? The speakers offered observations and analyses of the summit, address the implications for and potential next steps in U. After the session, panelists answered questions from the audience. Korea politvostok , EastAsia politvostok.

Peterson, James W. American Foreign Policy. Alliance Politics in a Century of War, — Bloomsbury, The text aims to uncover the roots of the United States' near perpetual involvement in war since the beginning of WWI in Instead, it posits that war has been the norm during the past century while peaceful interludes were but a time of respite and preparation for the next conflict. Each chapter features case studies, a summary, references, and web links.

The faculty also offered me a grant to support the preparation of the publication. My personal and intellectual concern about nouveau-riche nationalism in Korea has come to fruition first because Stephanie Rogers, publisher of Asian Studies, Routledge, saw an academic value in the proposal.

I thank her for her sincere sup- port in the process of planning the manuscript. It goes without saying that anony- mous reviewers have provided constructive criticism and generous ideas for improvement. Becky Lawrence, editorial assistant of Asian Studies, Routledge, has offered me meticulous support in the production process.

She has continued to provide me with unfailing support in my work on this book. Anne Melles, the subject librarian at the library, has taken ongoing interest as well and has provided professional support. Alison Tokita and Bruce Jacobs have provided me with much encouragement in the course of my shaping theoretical ideas. Sophie Chandra has kindly shared with me her resources and her ideas about multiculturalism and nationalism in Singapore.

I am particularly grateful to Caron Eastgate Dann who has given me academic companionship in the final stage of completing the manuscript. She read the whole manuscript and provided me with critical, constructive and invaluable feedback. Her intellectual conversation and suggestions offered me many ways to improve the manuscript. He demonstrated his original thoughts and compassion for the ways in which all humans should be treated with dignity. His personal and scholarly commitment to such value has deeply affected me.

Despite the support from many parties, I am solely respon- sible for what is written in this book. Joy Joohyo and Oscar Sanggon have been an important source of my practical understanding of the second-generation Korean-Australian encounter of Australian multiculturalism, which in turn has influenced my understanding of multiculturalism in Korea.

Seong-Suk has given me personal and academic com- panionship over many years, often offering me critique and appraisal of my thoughts. Downloaded by There were youngsters with dyed blonde hair, English language guides for passengers in the subway train and, of course, a large number of foreigners everywhere. These are the empirical dimensions that one can easily observe. However, there are other things happening in the lives of South Koreans and foreigners as they come to interact with each other. Rapid social and economic transformation in South Korea Korea hereafter started in the s and continues in the twenty-first century.

Especially after the Seoul Olympics, the Korean economy, as part of a global market, started inviting foreign workers to the Korean shore. According to Lee and Lee 61 , there were 1. A set of questions that I will address includes the following: 1. Why is discrimination of foreign workers and children of international mar- riage a significant problem? Discrimination against others in Korea is recognized, but why does it occur and how do we explain it Ju and Noh ? Is pure-blood nationalism unique to Korea?

How do we understand the problem in the broader neo-liberal context? How about such mistreatment since the s? It is commonly known that a minority population of immigrants can easily be subject to prejudice and discrimination. This happened in many immigrant nations such as Australia, the United States, Canada and European countries in the twen- tieth century. Especially when there is economic disparity between the sending and hosting populations, the level of discrimination can be severe.

The economic dis- parity in itself can create many other cultural and ethnic biases from the viewpoints of the host nation. Multiculturalism has been implemented differently in different parts of the world; thus, there is a Korean way of implementing multiculturalism. But there is a common academic understanding of what multiculturalism is. According to Lee and Hwang 86 , multiculturalism consists of the following four major ele- ments. First, it recognises and respects the diversity of culture. Second, it acknowl- edges cultural differences.

Fourth, it nurtures values and behaviours to embrace the previous three elements. This book explores if there is a portion of Koreans who are unwilling to wel- come or embrace new Koreans and investigates what the possible factors are to encourage some Koreans to implicitly or explicitly discriminate against the for- eigners. This book is not meant to be a solely theoretical piece on Korean national- ism, but to demonstrate how it is being manifested in a multicultural Korea.

Korean scholarship on Korean nationalism pays little attention to the manifestation of Korean nationalism towards a large number of foreigners, North Korean refugees and multicultural families in contemporary Korea. This is what I wish to address in this book. The central goal of the book can be put differently.

It is these experiences of new Koreans under Korean socio-economic and cultural structures at particular times that this book analyses as they have been reported in the Korean media. Indeed, there have been numerous studies and suggestions as to how Korea could better promote multiculturalism. I suggest rethinking discriminatory attitudes is a most fundamental aspect to address should Korean multiculturalism continue to mature. This is such an underpinning dimen- sion of Korean multiculturalism that addressing this concern will make multicul- tural policies far more effective than they have been so far.

The discourse around multiculturalism in Korea is centred on the following three main avenues: the press, the government and academia Ahn There have been many academic research projects on migrants and multicultural- ism in Korea. However, the academic community of ethnic studies is preoccupied by expanding research institutes rather than undertaking fundamental research on immigrants in the Korean context or generating important debates Oh Undoubtedly, Korean scholarship on multiculturalism has contributed to the ways Downloaded by According to Oh 27—28 , the city of Ansan is the most multicultural place, with more than 30, new Korean residents from fifty-nine different coun- tries.

An important reason that the city has become the most multicultural place in Korea is because of grassroots interest of people of foreign origins. However, many government-initiated policies and support programs for the city contributed to the high cost of housing and leasing shops, to mention a couple of results. There are three consequences.

Second, work environments have worsened, working hours have increased and real income has decreased. Moreover, there has been heightened immigration control of undocu- mented foreigners in front of Immigrant Support Centres, for example, immigra- tion police waiting outside the centres to apprehend the undocumented.

These activities raise questions as to whether multiculturalism in Ansan should be for the sake of the majority as well as minority Koreans or generally for the former. Part of this confusion may occur due to a lack of a basic understanding of multicultural- ism, that is, mutual respect for and understanding of each other. I suggest that these broad concerns apply beyond the city of Ansan. In fact, there are a few serious concerns about the discourses of Korean multicul- turalism.

Most of all, the broader discourses of Korean multiculturalism by the gov- ernment and academic community, as well as the Korean public, have yet to fully incorporate immigrants and migrant workers Oh I argue this current status is as damaging as assimilation policy see Oh Some areas have made significant progress. For example, new Korean residents who have lived in Korea for three or more years, after taking up permanent residency, are given voting rights in local governments p. However, new Kore- Downloaded by These are vividly represented in the Korean media.

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Multicultural- ism has provided numerous incentives and opportunities for Korea-born potential employees, academic research and advertising industries promoting multicultural- ism. However, Korean multiculturalism is progressing extremely slowly. These approaches are not helpful for immigrants who have to make their lives in Korea. Current policies are generally targeted at the immigrants to adjust and change according to the needs of Korean industries. The policies are pursued without any intention for change on the side of the majority population.

The tragedy of these policies is that they ignore the human rights of the minority populations and regard them as mere working machines, which is part of a continu- ing process of discrimination. Brief notes on research methods In regard to justification of researching media narratives, it goes without saying that past and current quantitative and qualitative research directly drawing data on, for example, varying groups of newly settled South Koreans, are invaluable and will continue to provide policy implications for betterment of their lives.

An analy- sis of media representations provides some specific advantages and values. First, although any media analysis is selective in its research topic, media reporters are operating throughout the nation — both urban and regional. Thus, the contexts within the news stories are necessarily wide ranging in all respects.

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  • This enables researchers to provide a prevalent national situation and context. Third, whether particular kinds of issues with reference to new Koreans, such as NKRs or foreign brides, are reported or not in the Korean media is also an important aspect, as this indicates the level of care about and interest in the topic Bell and Garret ; Trebbe and Schoenhagen A media narrative analysis can take the form of discourse analysis, which may largely involve the analysis of what is observable or what seems to be the case as reported in the media.

    This is in the tradition of the phenomenological approach. In relation to this, Apitzch and Siouti 7 consider the inter-linked play between agential and structural elements. Archer ; Carter ; Sayer This would reveal much about the missing link between media representations and social structures.

    This may also enable us to overcome shortcomings arising from methodological individualist approaches toward social phenomena, especially analysis of media narratives. To put it differently, critical realism best paves the way to describe reality and understand how the social phenomenon under examination results from particular kinds of interactions which are pervasive among the people of the nation and what kinds of social context bring about the types and nature of the interactions.

    I would start with undertaking discourse analysis, or the analysis of the realm of observable events, and seek the validity of the analysis in the context of the not easily observable realm of generative mechanism. The ultimate goal of the research is to better understand the generative mechanism, which is under the influence of the given broader socio-economic, historical and cultural context.

    Sources of data: media narratives Most chapters of this book draw on media narratives reported in the Korean media, including national, local, online and industry newspapers, as well as magazines and TV reports. Using any keywords, a researcher can retrieve the required news reports. An analysis of media representations provides some specific advantages and val- ues. Other chapters also draw on opinions and debates found in a range of Internet space such as blogs. The media analysts need to bear in mind that media reports and Internet-mediated discussion are not without their own bias and limits Chase , Lee and Hwang found that the media representations of the foreigners in Korea were reported from the viewpoints of dominant values and norms of Korean society, irrespective of pro- gressive or conservative media outlets and that the media reports were used as a vehicle to reproduce the dominant values and norms.

    The chapter shows the significance of pre- existing structures which enable and constrain the actions of individual agents. Introduction 7 Although the structural factors are conditioning, it is through social interaction of individuals that the prevalent structure and culture are non modified and elabo- rated. Chapter 3 discusses the struggles that Korean society experienced in its attempt to legislate an anti-discrimination act.

    Korea has become a multicultural society as a result of actively engaging in global capitalism, especially in the last two decades. The traditionally perceived mono-ethnic Korean society has experienced trials and tribulations, adopting and coping with multiculturalism. Despite inevitable needs to live with people from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds, there is a signifi- cant proportion of people struggling to cope with the changes profoundly affecting their lives.

    The Internet is one of the common avenues where dissident voices are Downloaded by Korean society is in its infant stage of promoting multicultural society, and there are many complex tasks, such as educating Koreans about the benefit of welcoming foreigners as soon as possible if it intends to remain engaged in the global capitalist economy.

    Chapter 4 is an analysis of the experiences of foreign labourers at the bottom of the Korean social hierarchy. Foreign labourers are largely from Southeast Asian countries, and their families are not allowed to accompany them. They often take up the work that locals do not want, but they are generally paid lower wages than local labourers. Racially motivated tensions and conflicts are often reported in the Korean media. Chapter 5 discusses the experiences of foreign professionals, espe- cially native English language instructors in private academies and schools.

    The ones from Anglo-Saxon and Western backgrounds are given particularly hospita- ble treatment. However, professionals from Southeast Asian countries are treated differently. Their skin colour and low socio-economic national backgrounds can- not be tolerated as easily.

    Chapter 6 deals with the encounters of children of international marriage and damunhwa multicultural families. The number of Korean multicultural families through marriage had reached 20, as of late The bulk of the marriages were between rural men and women originally from Southeast Asia. Numerous ill treatments of the brides have received media attention.

    The inflictions are initiated not only by husbands, but also their families and, in fact, the Korean public. The children of multicultural families have experienced hardship from their Korean peers, particularly through wangtta isolation. Chapter 7 analyses the experiences of NKRs. Although NKRs are able to enjoy freedom in South Korea physically and psychologically, they are neither easily able to put behind their former lifestyles in the communist gulag nor able to adjust to the complex requirements of competitive capitalist society in the South.

    Their adjustment is focused on being able to embrace socio-political and cultural changes they must face in order to lead satisfying lives.

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    Their health status is often not adequate for them to lead a nor- mal everyday life or to get involved in regular employment. Their longing for their families left in the North remains a major obstacle in cultivating a new life in a new place. They are easy targets for exclusion, marginalisation or discrimination from employment oppor- tunities or economic activities.

    Consequently, NKRs are cut off from most kinds of participation in society. Chapter 8 discusses how Korean nationalism has been riding the recent Korean Wave Hallyu. This chapter analyses the link between media representa- Downloaded by During the pre-Internet s, Korean comedians regularly performed skits with Rasta wigs and darkened faces without attracting criticism.

    However, increasing Internet viewerships have focused critical attention on K-pop celebrity blackfacing, par- ticularly on its active manifestation of Korean nationalism and African-American mimicry. The book completes with the concluding remarks of Chapter 9. The chapter also raises some questions as to how Korean society could move forward in terms of building more construc- tive ethnic relations.

    Notes 1 This number increased to 1. See Lankov 12 June Accessed 9 January Introduction 9 2 There are further notes on data analysis in Chapter 8 which are applicable to other chapters in this book. References Ahn, Ji-Hyun Global migration and the racial project in transition: institutionalizing racial difference through the discourse of multiculturalism.

    Journal of Multicultural Dis- courses, 8 1 : 29— China Information, 25 1 : 61— Chase, Thomas Problems of publicity: Online activism and discussion of same-sex sexuality in South Korea and China. Asian Studies Review, 36 2 : — Chung, Erin Aeran Workers or residents? Diverging patterns of immigration incor- poration in Korea and Japan. Pacific Affairs, 83 4 : — Jayasuriya, Laksiri Multiculturalism in Australia.

    Lee, In-Hui and Hwang, Gyeong-A Damunhwa gwallyeon midieo bo-do peureim yeongue daehan metabunseok A meta-analysis of media framing with reference to mul- ticultural reports. Damunhwasahoe Yeongu Journal of Multicultural Society , 6 2 : 83— Lee, Yong-Gyun and Lee, Hyunuk Ijuja gongganui jidohwawa gongganbunpoui teukseong: gukjeokgwa cheryuyuhyeongeul jungsimeu-ro The mapping of migrant space and the spatial characteristics of migrants: focusing on nationality and migration status.

    Hanguk Jidohakhoeji Journal of Cartography , 12 2 : 59— In: Mingers, John and Willcocks, Leslie eds. Social Theory and Philosophy for Informa- tion Systems. Hoboken: Wiley, pp. Oh, Kyung-Seok Hanguk-ui damunhwajuui: teukjinggwa gwaje Multiculturalism in Korea: characteristics and tasks. Homo Migrans, 1: 9— Oh, Kyung-Seok Nugureul wihan damunhwa-inga? Multiculturalism for whom? Trebbe, Joachim and Schoenhagen, Philomen Ethnic minorities in the mass media: how migrants perceive their representation in Swiss public television.

    Journal of Inter- national Migration and Integration, 12 4 : — I will first discuss a realist perspective of racism as perceived and experienced through potential or actual race relations. Brubaker 63 presents a conceptual model of the nation-state with refer- ence to state territory, national territory, national culture and citizenry. This pro- vides a reference point against which nation-states can be examined as to who enjoys legitimate and politically supportive belonging. Second, cultural homogeneity is pervasive and apparent within states; cultural boundaries between them are also clear and demarcating.

    Fourth, every member of the nation, irrespective of their ethno-cultural background, should be a citizen, and every citizen should be a member of the nation. Multicultural South Korea is one of the nation-states that have struggled to adopt and manifest the principles of multiculturalism in an inclusive manner. Undoubtedly, Korea has experienced many trials and errors in the relatively new implementation of multiculturalism. Minority immigrants and short-term residents in Korea are influenced variously by the politics of belonging.

    Yet, some Koreans think Korean multicultur- alism has gone far beyond the level that Korean people can afford. That is, some members of minority groups may be residents or citizens of Korea, but are excluded and marginalised in their everyday life. There are numerous research findings and contributions on theoretical perspec- tives of race, race relations and racial discrimination. Building on those excellent contributions, this chapter portrays my theoretical position on race relations and racial discrimination from a realist social scientific tradition.

    I have found the fol- Downloaded by Iosifides provides methodological insights for an analyti- cal understanding of the intersections between a given social structure and the role of an individual agency to make an impact on the pre-existing structure. The continuing academic debate about the relationships between agency and structure remains a core of sociological theories. The usefulness of analytical sepa- ration of agency from structure is also widely acknowledged.

    Carter refers to racially discriminatory behaviour in terms of agency and structure as follows. First, racially discriminatory attitudes and cultures are initiated, generated and modified by individual teaching, learning and social actors. Second, over time, the discriminatory attitudes become an established culture and they may not be easily modified. Rather, they settle as part of the socio-economic and cultural structure of a society and influence individual behaviours Carter 5.

    According to Carter , notable earlier social scientific writers who intro- duced innovative and pioneering perspectives on race relations are Robert Park and John Rex The second structural condition is that the competition must take place between groups, not individuals, thus causing lack of opportunities for social mobility. These structural prerequisites are in operation when social actors interpret the structural contexts to lead to a race relations situation or when social actors ideologically rationalise the structural contexts Rex viii; Carter The reality of any social phenomenon containing structures and property exists independently of what social actors understand about it.

    Adopting an analytical dualism of agency and structure, critical realists assert that individual agents are born into structure. That is, structure pre-exists individual agents, who may take social action which brings about the reformation of the struc- ture. Thus the next generation will be born into a different social structure. In undertaking a critical realist analysis of social Downloaded by There are internal and necessary relations within and between social structures; 2.

    Causal influences are exerted by social structure s on social interaction s ; 3. There are causal relationships between groups and individuals at the level of social interaction; 4. Social interaction elaborates upon the composition of social structure s. These views project what key features of the social world are like. That is, individual actors are given a significant degree of legitimacy and power to their own perspectives of the social world, thus being anti-realist and ending up supporting relativism p. Perhaps it is not that some individuals have thought that a particular social and economic context of their time is unexpectedly discriminatory against a particular ethnic group.

    It is more the case that the given context has developed over a long period. Further, individual actors going through particular and unique con- texts and experiences may perceive and describe race relations in their own ways. Once the numerous descriptions of race relations are all given legitimacy, com- mensurable knowledge of the phenomenon of race relations cannot be produced p. In fact, social science would be an impossible mission. As Carter 48 notes, discourses make up the key components of reality for postmodern scholars such as Brah and Knowles Discourses are the empirical evidence, experience and reality that matter in understanding the social reality as they are considered to be significant to, and representative of, social and ethnic relations.

    However, realist social scientists consider not only discourses, that is, what appear to be the cases, as empirical evidence, but also underlying mechanisms that engender the social phenomena or the evidence we can empirically observe. An important realist proposition is that there is ontological depth of social reality — the real, the actual and the empirical, as will be discussed further. This research undertaking is a process of making sense of and interpreting the complex interactions between factors lying at different levels of the social strata.

    A realist social science A generative mechanism can be measured by its effects or what it produces. For example, class relations are not observable easily, but they consistently produce and reproduce their effects such as economic equalities or inequalities, poverty, relative deprivation and reliance on social welfare. Consistent effects of a genera- tive mechanism manifest as enduring structures that produce these effects. For example, racism enduringly underlies the ways in which discrimination against particular ethnic groups is practised.

    The quality and quantity of social relations between people from diverse cultural and ethnic back- grounds significantly indicate the level of tolerance and multiculturalism. The stable and enduring relations between individual agents from diverse backgrounds and between diverse groups lead to production, reproduction and transformation of human relations Bhaskar Here the enduring human relations are not temporary or short lived or those produced out of particular kinds of human inter- actions.

    Enduring human relations are rather formed over a relatively long span of historical, economic and socio-cultural contexts. On one hand, the structural functionalism of Parsonian sociology and various forms of Marxism tend to give predominant influence to struc- ture. On the other hand, many phenomenological, hermeneutic and interpretivist sociologies favour the significance of agency in explaining social phenomena.

    Carter 71 and others further refine these two parts. Critical realists also distinguish between individual and collective actors whose influence could be considered more or less significant within different contexts. Iosifides 10 provides a brief history of migration in the twentieth century and how potential migrants and settled migrants have been treated in the host coun- try. In this arrangement, contract workers could have their visas revoked by a word from their employer, which granted employers the right to cut labour costs during a reces- sion.

    In addition, the constant rotation of foreign workers ensured the minimum number of them settling in West Germany, which consequently saved welfare expenses, including the costs of reproduction of labour, as this burden was handed back to the country of origin of foreign workers.

    Admitting single workers was designed to save the cost of supporting families. Workers were also returned to their home countries on becoming non-productive because of old age, ensuring no cost to West Germany. One may argue that the South Korean economy is still in the process of firmly establishing its economic position in the international mar- ket, as West Germany did in the s and s.

    The Korean government maintains tight immigration poli- cies due to a neo-liberal economic context and the lingering global economic crisis. The tight immigration policies offer greater flexibility to the industries in the era of post-Fordism, which then affects the quality of racial relations. Another significant form of post—World War II migration was the massive movement of people from former colonies to ex-colonial powers such as the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands and Portugal, a total of up to 7 million by Entzinger and Fermin 21, cited in Iosifides In an early stage of this move, there was a large flow of such migrants to the United Kingdom, but racist concerns and movements, as well as extreme conservative parties, led the government to restrict the moves of people of colour Bade Whether we refer to the post—World War II period or the twenty-first century, it is people of colour who are required to make significant efforts seeking permission to work overseas and then fair treatment.

    Since the s, Korea has joined the countries attracting a large number of workers from developing countries. Temporary migra- tion has continued to increase in the early s, for example, , temporary migrants in the United States, , in Germany, , in Australia and , in Japan in — United Nations ; Iosifides There might naturally be imbalanced employer—employee relations as relations are formed between labourers from developing countries and employers from Orga- nization for Economic Cooperation and Development OECD nations.

    This is because the latter enjoy protective support under political and economic policies Downloaded by Conceptual framework: towards a realist perspective of racism Critical realism embraces both a realist ontology and social constructionist episte- mology. The explanatory theory obtained through realist analysis is open to chal- lenge and is fallible on theoretical and empirical bases. In this respect, realism differs from empiricism, in that knowledge can be formed on the basis of our experiences of the world, and it differs from idealism in that knowledge cannot go beyond human thoughts and language Wikgren Social reality has ontologically stratified depth, and there are three conceptually different domains within the ontological depth of a social phenomenon: the real, the actual and the empirical.

    The real domain represents causally operative structures or systems. Causal laws or mechanisms are in operation at this level of depth. Causal laws or operative structures encompass certain properties or powers or tendencies which engender socio-economic phenom- ena in particular ways. The continuing and enduring operation of these powers or tendencies generates, and is independent of, the occurrences of societal events. The actual domain represents events that causal laws or mechanisms i. Of those events that have actually taken place, the level of human observation that may be empirically or relatively easily achieved is limited.

    In fact, the numbers of events that are empirically observed are extremely small. Those observed events make up the empirical domain Mingers With reference to the present study, causally operative structures or systems refer to the Korean capitalist mode of production which is historically situated in the broader world system of capitalism. Korea as a modern nation-state was established following the end of Japanese colonialism in Since the s, the import of foreign labour has set specific requirements on potential residents of Korea in terms of nationality, skills, labour power and capital.

    The presence of foreign labourers in Korea fundamentally changes the labour market structure and human relations in Korea, bringing about new hierarchies within. These threats, either real or perceived, can lead to tension between Koreans and foreign residents, eventually being expressed as racial prejudice and discrimination. This can be common if the given context is historically and culturally supportive of the racial superiority of Koreans as illus- trated by Pak Noja b.

    Racial discrimination can also be easily justified in the context of Korean society Downloaded by Since then, Koreans seem to exert their frustration on particular groups of foreign labourers, which is similar to China that suffered Japanese aggression, identifying Korea as a safe outlet for Japanese frustration Kitahara Ethnic tensions and conflicts can occur around cultural recogni- tion, a prejudiced attitude, human dignity, access to social services and political and economic rights.

    Koreans and immigrant individuals continue their efforts to enhance their personal positions in the social ladder through a changed socio- economic climate and a high-achieving nation, respectively. Although varying reasons and individual circumstances have brought a large number of short-term and long-term residents and immigrants to Korea, their life opportunities and activities are necessarily subject to the given context, that is, the real domain encompassing causally operative structures or systems, which are historically, culturally and economically rooted in Korean society as illustrated by Pak b , Lee et al.

    These structures pre-date the life opportunities of newly arrived immigrants Archer 15 , irrespective of their personal capacities that may be utilised to cultivate their desired life. Those struc- tures may go through modifications after the arrival of the immigrants. Further, there is often the problem of the gap between expectations and what is really achievable for foreign workers in Korea.

    Undoubtedly, these structural restraints have adverse effects on the lives of foreign residents, but particularly more so in the case of Southeast Asian immigrants and labourers. However, there are also struc- turally influential dimensions of the real domain or the mechanism, which may effectively enable life opportunities of immigrants and local populations. Some of these enabling factors may work unfavourably towards Korean citizens. For example, a large proportion of foreign labourers in Korea also found their experiences in Korea frustrating and disappointing because Korean society had not been conducive enough to facilitat- ing their goals Byeon The implicit public and government endorsement of the prejudice makes it more difficult.

    As indicated, the real domain generates numerous events — the actual. Of these numerous actual events that occur, there might be a limited range of events that are empirically observed. Some of these Downloaded by The researchers may access those Internet sites for analysis. If the analysis reveals the need to probe further, the researcher could investigate offline aspects of the contents mediated through digital media, bearing in mind the real domain of social reality. This endeavour may involve scrutiny of the development of capitalism in Korea.

    The researcher may also investigate expe- riences of foreign residents or Koreans independently of what are represented in digital media and provide a comparative perspective between offline and online dimensions of their experiences. The research process endeavours to unearth the mechanisms that influence the lives of foreign residents and the Korean public, not only through the empirical investigation of their lives in the contexts of the broader Korean society, but also through the revelation of possible underlying factors and relations.

    These underly- ing factors and relations are not readily observable, but can be unveiled through theory and abstraction Wikgren A superior scientific approach should not only be able to identify and analyse what may be empirically observable, but also discover hidden structures and relations that do have influences to bring about effects Bhaskar Race ideas are elements in the cultural system and like all such elements they originate from socio-cultural interaction and are generated therefore by social actors; 2.

    Over time, race ideas escape the clutches, as it were, of their originators and acquire autonomy as denizens of the cultural system, after which time we can examine how they act back upon subsequent generations; 3. Since people go on generating culture, we can investigate how new items enter the cultural system and older ones get displaced, for example, the displacement of race ideas by the notion of cultural difference as a basis for dividing human populations. These social actions eventually modify the original cultural conditions.

    For example, individual agents may introduce the idea of race as it emerged in the eighteenth century Boulukos and the idea gets reproduced and further developed. However, the idea does not develop as an item within the cultural system or at the structural level.

    Contemporary South Korean Society : A Critical Perspective

    Once this is done, subsequent social actors will realise that the practices of racism are structurally embedded Carter Over a period, race ideas or discriminatory practices may become a dominant mode of thinking about and dealing with human interactions Carter In a particular stage of Korean history, for example, the early s, there was a cultural system a product of previous cycles of social changes and reformations , which had been formed by numerous nationally and internationally influential fac- tors social, historical and economic over a long period.

    There were a relatively small number of foreigners in Korea at that time. There were also numerous indi- vidual agents social actors whose ideas about foreigners mostly Westerners were diverse: negative, positive, unsure, indifferent, confused or hostile for either informed or uninformed reasons. Other individuals are highly favourable to the United States and con- tinue to make contributions to maintaining friendly and diplomatic relations between the two nations.

    However, as Korean society was observing an increasingly large influx of foreigners from the West as well as developing countries, especially South- east Asia, Korean individuals or particular groups interacted among themselves under the influence of the media, education, political leaders and the consequences of the structural factors at a particular time. The numerous individual agents with diverse perceptions towards foreigners may have compelling reasons to modify their perspectives.

    These interchanges and interactions between diverse groups are the social actions that influenced the original cultural system of the early s. The cultural system of Korea in early would turn out to be vastly different from that of the early s. In this process, the cultural system is both enabling and constraining social interactions. A particular type of cultural system that has been prevalent since the s is nouveau-riche nationalism. Pawson and Tilley suggest three key categories in understanding a social phenomenon or seeking social change in any given context. They are context, mechanism and regularity.

    That is, every social phenomenon is situated in a given local and historical context. Any social phenomenon or incident is under restraint of a given context, but it is also the context that has enabled the possibility of the phenomenon. Mechanism refers to triggering properties or powers that drive the directions of a phenomenon or determine the nature and characteristics of the phe- nomenon. As a consequence of the intersections between the context and mecha- nism, a phenomenon with particular tendencies and regularities is produced.

    Applying these insights to the subjects of this study, the phenomenon of racial discrimination against minority populations in South Korea, I could theorise the phenomenon as follows. The broader context of the phenomenon includes the per- ceptions of cultural homogeneity and pure-blood nation, Korea as a postcolonial society with past experiences interacting with Japanese and Americans, the com- monly perceived lack of foreigners living in Korea, general economic development of Korea and globalisation.

    How does this realist perspective translate into the Korean context with reference to nouveau-riche nationalism? I now turn to this question. These long-held claims have been part of the Korean cultural system in regard to the ways in which Koreans set themselves apart from non- Koreans. Whether the claims are based on a set of informed ideas or not is not an issue to those Koreans. What is clear is that the claims made a way into the cultural system and are deeply embedded in the Korean psyche. Historically, Korean Downloaded by For example, a widespread discourse in Korea over the last few decades, stemming from a sense of competition and jeal- ousy, is that Korea is thirty years behind Japan.

    Routledge Advances in Korean Studies

    This Korean sense of belonging needs to be understood, bearing in mind the harsh Japanese colonialism in Korea from to The sense of racial inferiority and the disliking of Japanese remain in the minds of Koreans, inherited from generation to generation through socialisation and the education curriculum Pak a. The Korean economic status has significantly improved since its independence, and Koreans not only use their capitalist produc- tion systems to exploit foreigners in all sectors of the Korean industry, but they may feel they have the right to discriminate against others, both economically and beyond.

    Thus, when a high degree of nationalism is expressed, it can manifest as racism — discrimination against people of another nation-state or people of another ethnicity. In this respect, nouveau-riche nationalism may be used interchangeably with nouveau-riche racism. In fact, the Korean words nation minjok and race injong are closely linked to each other in terms of their etymol- ogy.

    Minjok, of minjokjuui, or ethnic nationalism, is a Chinese character—based word that was coined in late-nineteenth-century Japan. China and Korea then adopted the Japanese-created words Armstrong This concept of nouveau-riche racism is commonly observed in rapidly devel- oped economies such as South Korea. However, the practice of the phenomenon is broadly found throughout modern history. An example is Japanese racial supe- riority as expressed to discriminate non-whites, especially Asians in general and Koreans in particular.

    Although Japanese racial prejudice despises all non-whites except themselves, they show respect to whites. During the turn of the twentieth century, Japanese imperialism was the key vehicle through which the Japanese expressed racial prejudice. Earlier, the development of modern capitalism and colonial imperialism since the mid-to-late eighteenth century witnessed the practice of racial discrimi- nation by Americans and Europeans, for example, the colonisation of India, South Africa and Indonesia Pak a: Japan opened economic and diplomatic rela- tions with the West well ahead of the hermit kingdom of Chosun — actively resisting against the Western influence.

    Japan achieved Westernisation, Downloaded by It joined other colonial powers in the nineteenth century, soon exerting racially, ethnically and nationally discriminatory behaviours towards non-whites. Before the nineteenth century, Koreans welcomed and exhibited a somewhat inclusive attitude toward foreigners Shin Shin contends that the notion of pure-blood nationalism developed as Koreans attempted to protect them- selves from the Japanese movement of naisen ittai, meaning that Japan and Korea are one and the same.

    As noted by Pak Noja a , the hierarchical treatment of race became apparent in the nineteenth century. The liberal pragmatist John S. Korean intellectuals such as Yun Chi-Ho and Seo Jae-Pil, who undertook their university studies in the United States, suffered from racial prejudice and uncritically introduced it to the Korean public, especially through the print media Ha Korea also shortened the time usually required for Wester- nisation, achieving condensed capitalist development since the s Chang , then giving birth to nouveau-riche racism.

    Westernisation, long awaited but subdued since the start of the modernisation process in , emerged explicitly in the s. There is ample evidence that school students of any nation are constantly reminded of national pride and superiority through the study of history, and education in Korea was no exception. The poorer the nation a foreign worker comes from, the more he or she suffers from Korean xenophobia Kim Also, it would be those members of the host populations who were less well educated — labourers, lower income earners and the unemployed — who may be more resistant to foreign labourers, as found in European countries EUMC That is, Koreans suffered severely from a racial inferiority complex and developed great admiration for the white race.

    Koreans have indiscriminately adopted the Western categories of race which were designed to stigmatise subordinates with inferior ability and quality. Koreans have blindly embedded those perspectives in their understanding of race and ethnicity, as well as in their treatment of culturally different others, since the Japanese colonial period Ha ; Pak a: As indicated earlier, this perspective is convincing, and I will attempt to expand on it and explore relevant local contexts of Korean society.

    Historically and genealogically, Koreans may have close ethnic affiliations with the Asian group, but they are the group against whom Koreans may exert discriminatory attitudes mainly because of relatively poor per- formance of their countries of origin from the viewpoints of Koreans.

    Prevalent phenomena that constitute discriminatory cultures in Korea Nouveau-riche nationalism is a relatively new phenomenon that has been observed in recent decades, but there are pre-existing exclusive and discriminatory tendencies in Korea. Koreans also discriminated against each other, on the basis of their birthplaces and diplomaism. Again, it has been in the last couple of decades that Korean economic achievement has fuelled these exclu- sive or discriminatory tendencies to bring about nouveau-riche nationalism.

    The goal of this section is to answer the question, what were the pre-existing practices and cultures within Korean society which were already discriminatory in their nature and paved a way for nouveau-riche nationalism? Theoretically speaking, this is a question of what has made nouveau-riche nationalism possible. Here, my aim is to elaborate on the broader social context and enduring cultural systems of Korea which were deeply embedded in the lives of Korean people even prior to the s.

    When those contexts faced a large number of foreigners in a relatively new social context Downloaded by From a critical realist perspective, how do we understand the birth of nouveau- riche nationalism in Korea? Those emergent properties refer to prevalent and deeply embedded social factors and tendencies.

    There is a huge body of Korean literature on them. The following sec- tion does not primarily focus on how those prevalent tendencies came about, but elaborates on what those tendencies are on the basis of past studies so that I can move on to empirical chapters on how nouveau-riche nationalism is manifested in contemporary Korean society as reported in the Korean media.

    As long as there have been national territorial boundaries or sovereignty of a nation, there must have been a sense of nationalism. This is clearly shown throughout the history of Korea, including the kingdoms of the Shilla, Baekje and Chosun dynasties, as well as modern Korea. For example, Shin notes that territorial boundary, a centrally organised state and the use of linguistically similar languages may have laid a foundation for modern nationalism. A strong desire to maintain nationalistic senti- ment is one of the clear reasons for international disputes or even a war.

    An important proposition in this book is that there was a range of discriminatory factors and tendencies among Koreans within Korean society well before the explicit practice of nouveau-riche nationalism in the s. Starting with a broad historical sketch on ethnic nationalism in Korea, I will elaborate on the following as the enduring emergent properties: regional antagonism, pure-bloodism, Confucius-oriented Korean culture, politici- sation of nationalism and diplomaism.

    According to Shin , the fundamentals of ethnic nationalism are borne in a shared bloodline and ancestry. In his explication of nation building in Korea, Shin observed the dominance of both the elements of particularism and of universalism, which represent the intellectual development of the early modern period of Korea, through his content analysis of school textbooks used during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

    Those textbooks, Shin noted, reflected a trend in public interest and inclination at the time. However, before the Japan-Korea Protectorate Treaty, which deprived Korea of its diplomatic sovereignty and led to the emergence of the concept of nation building there, universalistic topics occupied more than 65 per cent of Korean text- book chapters in p. These universalistic topics grew to be much less prominent in the textbooks, and by , they occupied less than 25 per cent of the chapters. In contrast, 75 per cent of the chapters in textbooks covered particularistic elements, dominating the curriculum and public discourse.

    However, in the s, Japanese imperialism aggressively sought to implement cultural imperialism, which meant to suppress Korean cultural values and heritages, erase Korean language and impose Japanese-style names on Koreans. Shin contends that in the early s, the new Korean intellectuals and leaders attended to both particularistic and universalistic elements.

    Juxtaposing Korean and Western cultures, traditions and insti- tutions, those Korean intellectuals re-evaluated Korean tradition and heritage p. Shin found no indication throughout the early and mids of any strong attempt to ethnicise the Korean nation. Rather, universalism or cosmopolitanism resulting from Western liberalism occupied the dominant part of Korean intellectual discourse p.

    Shin p. All these examples indicate that Korean intellectuals were not isolated; they were familiar with the current trends in the world. Korean leaders Downloaded by Broadly speaking, over the Japanese colonial period, universalistic discourse as the fundamental base of the nation was dominant during its early years, whereas particularistic discourse was dominant from the late s p. This signifi- cant shift was a reaction of Korean intellectuals and leaders to colonial racism and international socialism which turned up in Korea from the late s.

    Shin makes an observation of the legacy of the ethnicisation of the Korean nation which continues to affect the prevailing nationalism in Korea. Undoubtedly, during foreign rule such as Japanese colonialism, collectivistic nationalism was mobilised for the sake of national survival. Western individual- ism and liberalism were even bluntly reduced to a set of principles completely opposite to nationalism Pak Following independence from Japanese imperialism, Korea faced division into North and South in due to vested interests of powerful nations such as the United States and the then Soviet Union.

    Nationalism was not only the fundamen- Downloaded by The importance of observing nationalism was unquestionable Lee There prevailed the notion that individuals should be prepared to sacrifice their rights for the sake of the nation until Korea achieved modernisation or national unification. Blood-based nationalism was hardly ques- tioned and even took the role of legitimising authoritarian collectivism Shin Such nationalism continued to enjoy its legitimacy when both Koreas were technically at war and South Korean president Park Chung-Hee in particular set the goal of national economic development and demanded that South Koreans work with him to achieve national goals.

    Shin points out that both the Left and the Right, or any kind of national mobilisation or slogans, have always been strongly associated with ethnic nationalism since Japa- nese colonialism p. A consequence in the context of this book is that Korean people remain particularistic or inward looking and exclu- sive toward foreigners rather than outward looking and inclusive. Regional antagonism or regionalism In most nations, every state or province sustains its own identities and cultures.

    In Korea, there are negative or positive stereotypes attached to people who were brought up in each province. In this respect, there is a stark difference between Australia and Korea. Regional antagonism is known as jiyeok gamjeong, a word which has a fairly negative connotation in the Korean language. Regional antagonism has been a lingering and complex problem which has adversely resulted in an unbalanced development of all the provinces of Korea. Pak Noja — traces regional antagonism to as early as the Chosun dynasty. The noble class yangban was the centre of how political power was formed and maintained.

    Networks of yangban were formed by shared regional identities and academic training.

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    More- Downloaded by There were many political fac- tions to which intellectual schools of thought were linked in the provinces. That is, the intellectuals and political leaders in the Kyeongsang and Cheolla provinces were discriminated against in terms of their chances to gain influential roles or to work as high-level bureaucrats in Seoul throughout the Chosun period p.

    Inevitable consequences included that the intellectuals and political leaders in Seoul continued to progress, whereas the counterparts in the regional provinces continued to decline Yu Bong-Hak 24—35, cited in Pak It was much worse for Pyeongan and Hamgyeong provinces in the northern part of Cho- sun and Cheju Province where they had a relatively smaller number of yangban of high-level intellectuals and bureaucrats p.

    This meant that people in the regional provinces were also objects of exploitation by the bureaucrats in Seoul Pak Thus, regional antagonism occurred not only between different provincial pow- ers, but also between those within Seoul and the provinces. The legacy of this antagonism continued while Korean intellectual leaders and political leaders pur- sued the independence movement during Japanese colonialism in terms of whom they could trust or work with Pak Pak finds that regional antagonism in the Chosun dynasty was expressed and maintained differently from the ways it was during the Japanese colonial period, as well as in contemporary Korea.

    For example, the Chosun dynasty sometimes pursed positive discrimina- tion and appointed a good number of bureaucrats from regional provinces to the central government, and the conflicts were largely among the leaders; whereas many political leaders have exploited regional antagonism for their political gains in contemporary Korea O Su-chang, , cited in Pak How the regional antagonism during the Chosun dynasty and the colonial period made its way to contemporary Korea is a topic for further research. However, scholars find that the past regionalism provided Korean society with fertile cultures and practices that influenced Korean people to continue to practise regional antag- onism Pak To what extent is regional antagonism influential in con- temporary Korea?

    Antagonism between Kyeongsang and Cheolla provinces is one aspect. Kim Jong-Cheol argues that the most important ideology that determines the Korean political system and economic structure is regional antagonism. This is about whom to elect as president, which party to lead the National Assembly and which conglomerate should hold dominant economic power in Korea Kim Downloaded by Park constructed indus- trial factories and made a huge investment in the social infrastructure in his home province, Kyeongsang bukdo. He appointed a large number of alumni of his high school and Japanese military academy to high-level posts in his government.

    The campaign lured the Cheolla people with rosy promises. The antago- nism between Kyeongsang and Cheolla became worse after it was revealed that Kyeongsang-originated and Park-supported army generals like Chun Doo-Hwan, Rho Tae-Woo and Cheong Ho-Yong were responsible for killing thousands of civilians during the Kwangju massacre in May p. While the tension between Kyeongsang and Cheolla provinces grew, people in Choongcheong, Gangwon and Cheju provinces developed their hostility towards people in Che- olla, which was exploited by politicians for their vested interests Kim Since then, there has been a prevalent notion that unless Korea overcomes regional antago- nism, there is little point in hoping for democratisation of Korean politics, let alone reunification of the Koreas p.

    Indeed, the impact of regional antagonism is political, economic and social Choi ; Kim ; Na ; Cho There are plenty of data to support that high-level bureaucratic positions have been occupied predominantly by personnel originating from Kyeongsang Prov- ince, including roles as government ministers; directors of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency, National Security Agency, National Tax Office and National Customs Office; the chief general of the army, the navy and the air force; the Seoul city mayor; and the governor of Gyeonggi Province Nam , Ch.

    In addition to the studies cited earlier, there are more studies about regional antagonism in Korea, including the ways in which it is manifested. There are stereotypes about Koreans from each city or province, and nearly all of those stereotypes have negative connotations. These have an important impact on human interactions, and the combination of ethnic nationalism and regional antagonism leaves little room for Koreans to welcome any non-Korean to their life.

    It was a discussion of the historical, political and intellectual roots of ethnic nationalism.

    North Korean Language Challenge

    A Korean government office undertook a survey on the extent to which Koreans were prepared to embrace multiculturalism, utilising internationally validated indices such as Eurobarometer and European Social Sur- vey, from 23 December to 25 January A total of 2, Koreans aged nineteen to seventy-four participated in the survey. However, this mythology has been discredited in recent decades. The reasons include that the Korean Peninsula went through numerous foreign invasions and that a large number of foreigners, such as the Balhae people, settled in Korea throughout Korean history.

    Thus it was simply not possible to maintain the pure blood as descendants of Dangun. However, the mythology was actively promoted since the Korean War, and that is what I was taught throughout my school curriculum in the s and s. Attachment of value to pure blood means that people who are considered impure are discriminated against, for instance, a child of multicultural marriage. There were offspring of marriages between Japanese and Koreans during the colonial period. Yet, those children did not seem to attract any particular discrimination since they did not look different from Koreans in terms of phenotype, including skin colour.

    Following the formal end of the American military government regime in August , some American soldiers stayed on permanently, and a large number of American-Korean children were born. The deaths of Korean soldiers and civilians during the Korean War produced , widows, and about , of them formed tempo- rary or long-term relationships with American soldiers and emigrated to the United States.

    More than , Korean women married American soldiers and settled in the United States between and Moon ; Cho ; Yuh The so-called military bride emigration peaked around 4, per year in the s and s. However, Korean traditional morals considered the women deviant and unclean through their contacts with the Westerners, irrespective of the socio-economic con- texts which offered them few options. Choi argues that men in the Downloaded by