Under the great and wise world marshal Stalin. But that all sounds so hollow. Moscow lost all its prestige in the Czech crisis. But more against Berndt. Good that Berndt is going to a new department. In Kassel and Dessau large demonstrations against the Jews, fire was set to synagogues and shops demolished. In the afternoon the death of the German diplomat vom Rath is reported. Now it is ready. I go to the reception of the party in the old town hall.
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It was very crowded. He decides: let the demonstrations go on. Withdraw police. The Jews should get to feel the anger of the people. Then I talk briefly before the party leaders in this sense. Stormy applause. Everyone rushes immediately to the telephones. Now the people is going to take action. Some wimps hesitate. But I keep pushing on.
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We can not leave unanswered this coward murder. Let things take their course. The Stosstrup Hitler  starts right away to clean up in Munich. That happens straight away. A synagogue is smashed in grit. I try to save it from the fire.
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But that fails. Meanwhile I talk with Schwarz  about financial issues. With Streicher  about the Jewish question. With Ribbentrop  about foreign policy. He, too, thinks that Czechia can now be taken in by the cold way. We just have to start it well.
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If the others want too, is impossible to say. With Wagner  to the Gau. I issue a precise circular letter explaining what can and can not be done. Wagner gets cold feet and trembles for his Jewish shops. But I will not be confused. Meanwhile, the shock troop does its job. Which they do perfectly. He just keeps saying, "Honorable assignment. At midnight.
Very solemn and atmospheric. Going to the heart. I want to go to the hotel, there I see the sky blood red. The synagogue is burning. Immediately to the Gau. Nobody yet knows anything there. We only permit to extinguish as far as is necessary for the surrounding buildings. Otherwise let it burn down. The shock troop does a terrible job. Messages are now coming in from all over the Reich: 50, then 7 synagogues are on fire. That will work. They should see that now the measure of our patience is exhausted. Wagner is still a bit weak. But I will not let go.
In Berlin 5, then 15 synagogues burn down. We can not do anything about it during the night. And I do not want to do anything. Let it run. When I drive to the hotel, window panes fly to pieces. The synagogues burn in all the big cities. German property is not endangered. The first reports arrive early in the morning. There was a terrible rage. As expected. The whole nation is in turmoil. That dead is proving costly for the Judaism. In the future the dear Jews will deliberate on simply shoot down German diplomats.
I still have a lot of work to do. Jannings  absolutely wants to save his movie. But I can not help him either. I give instructions that, in the area of the whole Ministry, prohibitions may only be issued by me. Otherwise, too much nonsense happens. For the 80th birthday of the emperor  people want to make commemorations and write articles of praise. I would agree, if the side against the emperor could speak too.
But then the reactionaries twitch back. Strong success of the Republicans. But that still does not say anything against Roosevelt himself. That was to be expected. It was really great there. Constantly new fires. That much seems credible. Whatever the reason for the illnesses, he was ambitious. He quickly took advantage of a State Department offer to pay for graduate study in Europe for Foreign Service officers who agreed to achieve fluency in Chinese, Japanese, Arabic, or Russian.
This was in , and the United States did not have diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. But Americans did business there Harriman was one of them: he owned a manganese concession, in the Caucasus, in the nineteen-twenties , and Kennan saw that the freeze could not last forever. He felt destiny operating, as well, in the form of an uncle, also named George Kennan, who had been a Russia expert and had written important books on the Siberian prison system under the tsars. His subsequent diplomatic appointment was in Riga, in Latvia, essentially a listening post for gathering intelligence about the Soviet Union.
Kennan specialized in Soviet economic affairs. When Roosevelt reopened diplomatic relations, in , the year Hitler came to power, Kennan was sent to accompany the new American Ambassador, William Bullitt, and helped to set up the Moscow Embassy. Regular dealings with the Kremlin had soured Bullitt on the Soviet experiment; Davies chose not to be disillusioned, and he and Kennan did not get along. Kennan was transferred, first to the Russia desk in the State Department, and then to Prague.
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He arrived on September 29, , just as the Munich Pact handed over to Hitler the part of Czechoslovakia the Germans called the Sudetenland. Kennan was in Wenceslas Square when the pact was announced. When Germany invaded Poland, in September, , and the war began, Kennan was transferred to Berlin. The American legation was taken from Berlin by special train to the town of Bad Nauheim, where it was interned, incommunicado, under the supervision of the Gestapo.
Kennan was in charge of the hundred and thirty Americans, an experience he recalled with a degree of disgust extreme even for him. When everyone was released, after five months, he wrote a satirical poem about his fellow-inmates. The Ambassador, a man named Bert Fish, was a patronage appointee and rarely visited the Embassy. His sudden death, in , left Kennan free to negotiate, face to face with Salazar, for the use of bases in the Azores by U. In January, , when the end of the war was in sight, Kennan served in the American delegation to the European Advisory Commission, in London.
He wondered whether the United States was capable of being a world power. Then Kennan got a major break. Kennan arrived in Moscow on July 1, He flew in by way of Stalingrad, where the Red Army had turned back the Germans that winter. From the air, he wrote, the entire city looked as though it had been destroyed. Like the man who appointed him, Harriman believed in personal diplomacy.
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He had, after all, done business with the Soviets back in the nineteen-twenties; in fact, he still had a financial interest left from the manganese enterprise when he became Ambassador. He thought he could talk turkey with Stalin. Kennan emphatically did not believe in personal diplomacy. He thought the idea that Stalin was someone the United States could cut reasonable deals with was delusional. He flew by the seat of his pants. And although he affected brusqueness—he was known as the Crocodile: somnolent until provoked—he admired Kennan and respected his intellect. The war in Europe was won on the Eastern Front.
Stalin was not an ally of choice; Roosevelt and Churchill understood the ethical niceties of the situation they found themselves in. There is no doubt that Stalin saw things the same way. In the most uncharacteristic blunder of his career, he had imagined that he could talk turkey with Hitler, and, in , had signed a non-aggression treaty with Nazi Germany. When Hitler invaded the Soviet Union, twenty-two months later, Stalin was completely unprepared—one reason that the death toll in the East was so enormous.
The Wehrmacht had come within sight of Moscow; it cost the Soviets almost a million lives to beat the Germans off, and millions more to drive them all the way back to Berlin. In the end, Soviet dead exceeded twenty-six million, roughly fourteen per cent of the population. Fewer than half a million Americans died in the war. From the start, the question was what the price would be. It cannot be otherwise. Once Germany was defeated, Moscow would revert to prewar form, and the United States would have little leverage. But he could not seem to get anyone to acknowledge that the worm was there.
He was waiting for the S. The S. In two months, the Germans killed twenty thousand members of the Home Army and massacred two hundred and twenty-five thousand civilians. When the Red Army entered the city, in January, , not a single inhabitant was left. Kennan always believed that this was the moment when Stalin showed his hand. There was no doubt in any of our minds as to the implications of the position the Soviet leaders had taken. This was a gauntlet thrown down, in a spirit of malicious glee, before the Western powers.
But it would have ended the impression of American acquiescence. He deeply loathed it. If you tell the world that you are fighting to preserve the right of self-determination, then any outcome short of that makes you look hypocritical or weak. Concessions to Soviet national-security interests were going to be necessary in Eastern Europe; it was better to be frank about this, and to stop pretending that Moscow and Washington had the same goals and values.
But for domestic political reasons the American government always wants to appear virtuous, Kennan thought; so it continued to call the Soviets comrades and allies even as they were clearly preparing to walk all over the Atlantic Charter. Kennan put much of this in a long letter to Bohlen in the winter of The United States, he wrote, should abandon Eastern Europe to the Soviets, accept the division of Germany, and give up plans for the United Nations, which he considered a classic instance of political wishful thinking.
When Bohlen received the letter, he was busy with the Yalta Conference, where the Big Three negotiated the future of Europe, and his reply to Kennan was brief. A year later, Kennan got his chance to wake Washington up. It was a perfectly doctrinal speech. That capitalist countries will always go to war was a basic tenet of Marxism-Leninism, and saying so was unusual only in the context of the short period of the wartime alliance. Harriman had left Moscow, and he gave Kennan his blessing to reply as he saw fit. Kennan seized the day. Characteristically, Kennan was ill, and he was lying in bed when he dictated it.
The Long Telegram was Kennan unbound. But this had more to do with the nature of Russia than with the nature of Communism. Russian foreign policy had always been motivated by fear of the outside world, and Marxism gave the current regime, which Kennan considered simply the latest in a line of Oriental despotisms, an ideological fig leaf for its insecurity and paranoia.
Whatever it might say, the Soviet Union would always seek to undermine the West.
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It was a case of the scorpion and the frog. Still, there was a modus vivendi available for the short term. The Soviet Union was relatively weak; it was overstretched territorially; and it did not want war. It wanted only to take advantage of opportunities. The proper policy of the United States, therefore, was vigilance against allowing opportunities to arise for the Soviet Union to take advantage of. If the United States demonstrated resolve whenever Moscow made threatening noises; if it extended aid to the European democracies, so that they would know who their friends were; and if it otherwise tended to the cultivation of its own garden there was no reason to expect World War Three.
In Washington, the telegram was a sensation. The State Department dispatched him on a lecture tour to instruct the public on the true nature of the Soviet threat; at the War College, he lectured on international relations to military, State Department, and Foreign Service officials. In , George Marshall, the Secretary of State, appointed Kennan chief of a new Policy Planning Staff—an effort to think ahead in the area of international relations, not something that the United States had had much practice with. The staff, Gaddis says, became the principal source of policy ideas for Marshall and for the National Security Council, and thus for the President.
For two years, he essentially formulated American foreign policy. The greatest of his contributions was to the Marshall Plan for rebuilding Western Europe, a program that echoed policy recommendations made in the Long Telegram. Stalin did exactly that, and thus put himself in the position of taking blame for the division of Europe. As long as the Communists remained in their box, the United States did not except rhetorically seek to intervene. He had reasons to resent this.
Kennan gave counsel to the Administration during the Korean War, and was instrumental in setting up the covert-operations wing of the Central Intelligence Agency. He turned down offers from Harvard, M. His major policy statements in the nineteen-fifties came in two lecture series. The first, at the University of Chicago in , was a survey of American foreign policy since the Spanish-American War, and a running critique of the deleterious effect of domestic politics on international relations.
He lies there in his comfortable primeval mud and pays little attention to his environment; he is slow to wrath—in fact, you practically have to whack his tail off to make him aware that his interests are being disturbed; but, once he grasps this, he lays about him with such blind determination that he not only destroys his adversary but largely wrecks his native habitat.