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Gretchen Hermes brought both passion and critical discrimination to her work with me on the selection and development of the illustrations and in the process taught. A range of colleagues, too many to name, provided feedback on earlier versions of the arguments made in this book, both as I presented them in seminars and in written form. For several years, Richard Beyler and I engaged in productive dialogue about our mutual interests in holistic science in the German context, and I am grateful to him for those exchanges, as well as for his generosity in sharing certain archival material he had collected for his own research.

Erika Keller gave the book a rich "lay-per son's" read that identified still other avenues for clarification and expansion. Allan Brandt and I had some especially fruitful discussions about the introduction to this book that left a lasting imprint on its ultimate form. Evelyn Fox Keller was both a source of scholarly insights in her own right and a much-appreciated emotional support and sounding board during the tough spells. Mitchell Ash was an exceptionally generous and engaged colleague and critic during the earlier stages of this book's conceptualization and writing, even as he worked on his definitive history of Gestalt psychology in its institutional and cultural context.

As a relative newcomer into an arena where he had already done such valuable work, I had the opportunity to learn a great deal from him. I am only sorry his own book was published too late to be incorporated significantly into the arguments made here. Robert Nye took particular pains to provide helpful feedback to the book as a whole at a late stage, inspiring me to make a number of additions and enhancements to the book that would otherwise not be there. Finally, I feel enormously indebted to the rich, frank, and detailed'comments of John McCole and Peter Galison on the book as a whole that came in the final hour and that resulted in some substantive revisions and enlargments in my overall argument and analysis.

Their care when it counted saved me from committing some significant errors. Obviously, any remaining weaknesses or misunderstandings are my own responsibility. While I was fending off decompensation under a looming publication deadline, my assistant Billie Jo Joy took on the onerous job of proofing and copyediting the manuscript and organizing its final compilation for delivery, in the process providing steady emotional support and encouragement, for which I will always be grateful.

At the same time, Meg Alexander navigated with elegance and humor the bewildering world of copyright permissions for the illustrations, taking over a job ably begun by Diane Ehrenpreis. My husband, Godehard Oepen, came into my life about the same time as I began turning my attention to the themes and material described here, and he.

My debt to him along the way for support and assistance practical, intellectual and emotionalis just incalculable. I can only hope he understands how deep my gratitude goes. I am very proud and pleased that this book found a home with Princeton University Press and grateful especially to Emily Wilkinson and her assistant Kevin Downing for their competent and humane support through the process.

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It's good now to "let go" of the project, knowing that it is in such good hands. Weber knew that the students listening to his talk were hungry for existential and moral orientation and would be hoping for a message from him that addressed their demands for personal relevance and larger meaning in their studies. He did not feel able to comply. The theme he chose for his lecture was "Science as a Vocation," and his words were sober. The scientist was not a prophet, he said, and not in a position to provide any of the larger answers or transcendent grounding for life the students were looking for.

Indeed, Weber was prepared to go further: the effect of science was actually to undermine all transcendent principles, systematically stripping the world of all spiritual mystery, emotional color, and ethical significance and turning it into a mere "causal mechanism.

It was the "fate" of the modern individual to live in a "godless, prophetless" world: Wherever. Since the s, an intensifying stream of German-language articles and monographs had been identifying the rise of a certain kind of mechanistic thinking in the natural sciences as a chief culprit in a variety of failed or crisis-ridden cultural and political experiments. Science had declared humanity's life and soul a senseless product of mechanism, so people now treated one another as mere machines.

It was said that the spread of mechanistic, instrumentalist thinking into all areas of professional and cultural life had given rise to a cynical, this-worldly attitude and a decline in morality and idealism. Traditional ideals of learning and culture were in crisis, the young people were alienated, and the arts had degenerated into exercises in absurdity and self-absorption. The nihilistic message of scientists who apparently valued Technik over soul and integrity was even blamed for the devastation of the lost warthe first war, it was said, in which "victory.

While his sympathies were with the disaffected, the personal effect of the war on Weber had been to reinforce a profound distrust of any charismatic, irrationalist solutions to the dilemmas raised by the Machine society. His message, therefore, had been uncompromising: science could give no answers to the burning questions of existence, and it must not try, regardless of the pain and unsatisfied hungers that it left in its wake. Yet not everyone was prepared to accept Weber's conclusion that the choices were inevitably irresponsible irrationalism or grim-faced resignation. This book tells the story of a group of German-speaking scientists who, in the early decades of the twentieth century, effectively agreed with Weber's conclusion that a certain kind of mechanistic science had "disenchanted" the world.

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They did not, however, believe that the process of disenchantment through science was inevitably destined to continue. Under the banner of Wholeness, these scientists argued, in varying ways, that a transformed biology and psychologyone that viewed phenomena less atomistically and more "holistically,"5. What the old science of the Machine had wrought, a new science of Wholeness would heal.

It would "reenchant" the worldand it had 'voiced' this idea long before Morris Berman issued a similar call to arms in his bestseller from the s. These were the men who, in the second half of the nineteenth century, had fought for a total integration of physiology with physics within a reductionist framework, and whoarguing from a particular hard-line interpretation of Immanuel Kant's "critique of reason"had asserted that all science must necessarily limit itself to mechanistic modes of explanation. Any and all other kinds of assertion were, by definition, "metaphysical" and outside the proper sphere of science.

Through its showcasing of research results in embryology, Driesch's new vitalism declared that the inability of mechanism to account for the incontrovertible results of laboratory research justified a turn. XV11 to alternative formulations.

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Nevertheless, by the first decades of the twentieth century, such prominent theoreticians of holism like Adolf Meyer-Abich and Ludwig von Bertalanffy were distancing themselves from the claims of outright vitalism and proposing a range of alternatives to mechanism that were self-consciously emphasized as nonvitalistic; alternatives that often also looked back to Kant but emphasized a different reading of that legacy. Especially important for these men was the Kantian assertion that the mechanistic causal categories of human reason in fact fall short when dealing with living organisms.

Kant had said that in the realm of living processes, human judgment was justified in positing a different order of causality, a teleological causality Naturzweck that looked at the functioning of parts in terms of the organization and needs of the whole. The new "holistic" science of life and mind that was to replace the old Machine science was really more a family of approaches than a single coherent perspective. The need to do justice to organismic purposiveness or teleological functioningto questions of "what for?

Beyond that need was a range of overlapping understandings. Some holism was concerned with finding alternatives to the view of the organism as a mere sum of its elementary parts and processes what was often denounced as atomism. This form of holism aimed instead to understand apparently discrete physiological processes in terms of their roles in the total functioning of the organism. Others understood by holism an imperative to resist the tendency of the time to treat bodily phenomena and mental phenomena as separate ontological categories so-called psycho-physical parallelism.

This holism insisted instead that the task of a human holistic biology in particular must be to reground the mind in the body and to reanimate the body with the mind: psychosomatic medicine would be one of the most enduring legacies of this second holistic tradition. Still another form of holism emphasized the inadequacy of thinking that the "whole" could be considered merely at the level of the individual organism.

It maintained that organismic processes and behavior only make sense when studied as part of a larger system, whether that system be the immediate lived world of the organism, nature as a "whole," or in some cases the cosmic logic of the evolutionary process writ large. In this process of drawing up a holism designed to challenge the many faces of the Machine in the laboratory and clinic, holistic life and mind scientists also felt increasingly free to speak to the broader question of the Machine in society and intellectual life.

From Berlin to Prague to Vienna to Zurich, these scientists began to mingle their voices with those of other kinds of cultural critics, would-be reformers, and crisis-mongers. Those other voices from outside the sciences also typically used the oppositional. The resonances across these binary clusters were strong, and new writers entering the fray found themselves either struggling to disaggregate their specific arguments from those of the collective, or else more frequently allowing their reliance on one trope to draw on the energies of the collective.

For example, when Tonnies spoke of the noxiousness of "societies," part of his point was that "societies" were so noxious because they functioned like machines. The life philosopher Theodor Lessing was not untypical when he decried modern man as "a species of robber-apes which has been infected with megalomania by science. Even though science the "old" science had been the enemy, nevertheless it had always been a powerful enemy, with an authority that would be useful to have on one's own side.

Now that it was in the process of remaking itself the "new" science ,15 now that its truths were in the service of Wholeness rather than the Machine, few objected to letting it continue to claim a unique social and epistemological authority in the larger debate. In this context, the vision of holistic nature emerging from the life and mind sciences tended to carry the most clout. This is not because researchers in the physical sciences physics, chemistry, engineering, etc.

There is still much to ponder in Paul Forman's now classic argument that German twentieth-century physics drew back from the mechanistic and deterministic principles to which it had been epistemologically committed, not out of empirical and conceptual necessity, but as an "accommodation" to a cultural mood that was explicitly hostile to deterministic, materialistic philosophies. XIX congenial acausal, antimechanistic, even semimystical, interpretations of quantum theory and relativity allowed physics to transform itself from a suspect enterprise toin the words of another historian"the solvent of the materialism that had spread with the conquests of classical physics.

We see how, in this time of perceived intellectual and social crisis, metaphor and other connotative properties of language allowed holistic scientists to leapfrog in a range of ways across the epistemological divisions of the time that an earlier generation of science had declared must necessarily separate the secular from the sacred, the natural from the political, the mythical from the necessary.

For those with the culturally and politically sensitized ears to hear the messages, the new arguments in biology, neurology, and psychology for Wholeness and against the Machine could thus gradually come to persuade simultaneously as scientific fact, salvation mythology, and psychobiological guide to cultural and political survival. How receptive were the more established perspectives in the sciences themselves to these holistic challenges?

Some important disciplinary traditions seem to have been more or less indifferent. In his study of some forty-odd German geneticists from the Wilhelminian and Weimar period, for example, Jonathan Harwood found that most were basically supportive of mechanistic and materialist explanations in their discipline, while only a minority expressed some sympathy for a more holistic perspective here often conveyed in concern with a possible role for cytoplasm in hereditary transmission.

Nevertheless, even in subdisciplines of the life and mind sciences that were most receptive to holism, no full consensus was reached and various established mechanistic and reductionistic perspectives continued to carry weight. The heyday of holistic thinking in German neurology, for example, coincided with a period of intensive laboratory investigation into the cellular basis of brain function that culminated in the drawing of the cyto-architectonic maps of Korbinian Brodmann and the attempts by neurologists like Oskar and Cecile Vogt to relate discrete psychic functions to histological variations in the brain.

It is true that holism claimed the future of the German mind and life sciences for itself, but as late as the s, this oppositional movement still knew itself best by em-. XX phasizing what it was not, still was caught up in the process of debating and developing its own agenda and strategies.

This said, I am less interested in locating holistic life and mind science in the broader history of institutionalized science research in Germany valuable as such a study would be and more concerned with establishing a place for it as a neglected voice in German cultural history. The national humiliation, class fragmentation, and political polarization engendered by the loss of that war acted as a radicalizing force for many scientists involved in developing holistic reformulations of life and mind.

The crises of the time seemed to demand that holism become more than just a means to a more authentic vision of life and mind; it must also become a blueprint for visualizing a more authentic future for Germany. In this uncertain time, the same flexible language and imagery that had previously connected this science to older aesthetic and spiritual traditions in Germany now stretched itself to connect it to the politics and social disarray of the postwar era as well.

After , in other words, holism often spoke with a political accent. For a while, the intellectual field of holistic life and mind science was able to accommodate a range of political solutions to the tensions between modernity and nostalgia, mechanism and wholeness, science and spirit, Technik and Kultur. Jews would be increasingly identified as both cause and as flesh-and-blood instantiation of all the worst values of the machinesummative, nonsynthetic thought, soulless, mechanistic science, rootless, mercenary social relations.

An earlier tradition of intellectualized anti-Semitic "scholarship"the bulk of it stemming from the fin de siecle yearsprovided ready resources for these developments. At the turn of the century, the Anglo-German race philosopher Houston Stewart Chamberlain had spoken of the "crude-empirical, causality-bewitched materialism" of the old mechanistic sciences that was "nothing other than the Semitic Creation-story in modern clothing.

But now they make it a matter of drugs, a mere administration of chemicals. The chemical interpretation of organisms sets these on a level with their own dead ashes. In a article that appeared in the official medical journal of the Nazi party, Ziel und Weg, the message could hardly have been clearer. The article stressed the dissolutive,. XXI sterile nature of Jewish thinking and Jewish science that could lead only to "death" and contrasted this with the "simple, organic, creative" thinking of the "healthy non-Jew," who "thinks in wholes.

Nevertheless, even if we know how part of the story I tell in this book is going to "come out," it is important that we resist "discovering" the outline of a terrible future in holism's past or imagining that all holistic, vitalistic, or teleological views of nature are part of a larger "destruction of reason" that can be tracked in some straight, degenerating line from the romantics to Hegel to Nietzsche to Hitler.

Such claims and temptations are familiar in the older secondary literature on modern Germany,24 but one can argue they do not do justice either to the historical contradictions of modernity in general or to the role of antimechanistic, pastoral, and alternative scientific thinking as a reaction to and comment on those contradictions. In his study of Weimar culture, for example, Detlev Peukert stresses the extent to which expressions of anxiety among German intellectuals about the consequences of modernity were found, not just among the cranky "anti-modernist" fringe sowing "cultural despair" in cheap pamphlets, but in the writings of intellectuals we would place firmly "within the modernist fold.

As one then tracks the varied arguments across the decade, one can see how, gradually, different spokespeople for holism actually came to be as much in a state of tension with one another as they were with their mechanistic rivals, each developing arguments designed to undermine the politics and positions of the other. Yet, even as holism in some respects proved to be a pluralistic and sometimes even quarrelsome phenomenon, in other respects, it always remained a surprisingly closely knit one: certain recurring themes and problems made up a coherent conceptual grid whose architecture, without being rigid, allowed distinctions to be drawn between innovations and theoretical developments that were "inside" the frame and those that posed a threat to it.

The selfdefined borders, colors, and contours of this grid clearly mark it as a "German" construction. The paper trail left by holistic life and mind scientists did not respect the political borders of Germany proper but to varying degrees embraced the German-speaking parts of Switzerland, Hungary, and Austria as well. Still, even if I stress the relative looseness with which I speak of the "Germanness" of German holism, it is true that the focus of this book privileges German cultural experience.

It does not do this because of some assumption that an impulse toward antimechanistic, "holistic" approaches in science was a uniquely German phenomenon in the early decades of the twentieth century. Anyone at all familiar with this material knows that the very term "holism" a word not generally used by Germans was coined in by the South African statesman Jan Christiaan Smuts.

Moreover, there is every indication that Germany was not the only cultural setting in which holism was not an insular intellectual phenomenon but rather a vehicle for both political anxiety andsocial reformist zeal. Sharon Kingsland has emphasized ways in which embryologists like Child and Herrick at the University of Chicago used holistically oriented ideas like "emergent evolution" as part of a biological defense of liberal politics that affirmed the autonomy of the individual within a social whole.

Stephen Cross and William Albury have suggested a relationship between the preoccupation in American physiology with organismic regulation and homeostasis internal physiological balance and broader American interwar concerns with the need to preserve social stability. In Germany, a sense of groundedness in cultural values mattered enormously, since there was no stable tradition of political and national identification. Industrialization had come later and harder there than elsewhere in Europe and the United States.

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And later, it would be the German-speaking countries that would lose a war, lose an empire, and lose the respect of the world. A great deal seemed to be in crisis, a great deal seemed to be at stake, and "the [resulting] feverish intellectual cli-. XXI11 mate. It seems necessary to say that even though I aim to locate German holistic life and mind science in German culture, and even though I assert that this was science that became "more than itself," I do not believe that the content of this science was merely some socially driven or historically arbitrary creative product unconstrained by any demands from its own data.

Certainly, I share the conviction of most of my profession that the statements of science do not "mirror" the realities of nature in some simple, detached way. At the same time, I believe that what actually makes science worth taking so seriously is the fact that it apparently does, in highly ritualized ways, engage phenomenal realities that "talk back" and whose logic is not wholly humanand yet simultaneously does so in ways richly generative of human meanings and social imperatives.

In other words, ontologically, we humans are not the measure of all things, but scientific knowledge does involve a process, still not well understood, in which that which we call "natural" is brought inside human history and enabled to play a role in any number of human dramas. Here, my understanding of metaphorits capacity to connect different orders of reality simultaneouslyhas allowed me to claim the story of German holistic science for German cultural history without neglecting the role, so selfevident to scientists, played by the nonhuman, the material, and the unexpected in that same story.

There is another way in which I have resisted the temptation to reduce or collapse my material while writing this book. In fact the book ultimately tells, not just one story about the cultural meanings of holism, but rather several. The book's heart lies in its biographical studies of four German-speaking holistic scientists active between and behavioral biologist Jakob von Uexkiill , clinical neurologist Constantin von Monakow , Gestalt psychologist Max Wertheimer , and holistic neuropsychiatrist Kurt Goldstein While a couple of these names are familiar today and the others are more obscure, the criteria for choosing this.

Instead, all the main protagonists in this book were chosen for their reputations among peers as pioneers in the attempt to transform basic principles of psychology and biology along antimechanistic, holistic lines. With an age gap of 27 years between the youngest Max Wertheimer and the oldest Constantin von Monakow , these four men cannot be said to represent a "generation" in the sense exploited by other cultural historians.

They also shared active and sometimes contentious membership in the larger scientific, philosophical, and cultural community of scientific holism that included such figures as the embryologist and philosopher Hans Driesch, the philosopher Christian von Ehrenfels, the race theorist Houston Stewart Chamberlain, the psychologist Felix- Krueger, the psychologist Wolfgang Kohler, the holistic-biology theorist Adolf Meyer-Abich, and the "medical anthropologist" and psychosomaticist Viktor von Weizsacker. All reacted strongly, yet distinctively, to the complex agenda of concerns that had been raised by the First World War.

And finally, all of them, in a range of ways both subtle and blunt, employed the rich metaphorical language of Wholeness to argue for connections between developments in the clinic or laboratory on the one hand and solutions to the cultural imperatives of the time on the other. A group-biography approach was chosen, not to reproduce some hagiographic understanding of history of science as a parade of "Great Men," 38 but rather to express the spirit of what Carl Schorske calls "the empirical pursuit of pluralities.

Taken together, I hope such a narrative strategy will enable me to convey, at a level of detail that would otherwise not be possible, my deep sense of German holistic life and mind science as a world of tensions, ambiguous intellectual and moral messages, and shifting potential courses that elude any easy or dogmatic generalizations.

Gerd Arntz, Fahrik [Factory], On the one hand, this reformist impulse was all about celebration: its leaders knew they were guiding the sciences out of the dusk of the past and toward the brightening new horizon of Wholeness. At the same time, they also spent much time glaring retrospectively at a particular enemy they believed was responsible for all of their struggles in the first place. They knew this enemy under many faces but, significantly, almost all of those guises were condemned under the same name: the Machine.

The Machine that haunted holism's self-consciousness was an entity with a status much like that of "the Communist threat" that haunted the consciousness of the United States during the height of the Cold War. That is to say, it is best understood, first and foremost, as an emotionally charged image of negativity that functioned to define and drive holism's positive agenda. Nevertheless, we are also not dealing with a made-up entity constructed entirely out of rhetoric and paranoia. The Machine was so potent because there were evident realities feeding and reinforcing its various meanings real people who called themselves mechanists, for example.

Holists themselves were inclined to suppose that the specific terms of holism's relationship to the Machine were more or less transparent: "good" science simply began to assert itself against "bad" science; new worldviews began courageously to square off against older entrenched ones. In this chapter I adopt a somewhat larger perspective. What I am trying to show is the way in which the terms and conditions of a quarrel were constructed, not because there was no other possible way to think and talk, but because the mechanistic program in the life and mind sciences had come to be identified with a range of high-stake and contentious debates marking the German-speaking countries' rapid and rocky road into industrialized modernity.

Over time, the terms "wholeness" and "machine" became "thick" with the meanings and feelings of urgency that were attached to those other debates. Several moments in this process were particularly decisive: the failed liberal revolution in Germany of , the founding of the German Empire in , the broader politics and passions of the fin de siecle Central Europe, and the outbreak and subsequent disastrous loss of World War I.

Early in the nineteenth century, a heterogeneous group of German scientists and philosophers who identified with the Romantic impulse of that era found themselves haunted by an image of fragmentation and mechanism that they traced back especially to Newton's establishment of the law of universal gravity. As they saw matters, this English scientist had been born into a universe of color, quality, and spontaneity and had proceeded ruthlessly to transform it into a cold, quality-less and impersonal realm of homogeneous and threedimensional space, where particles of matter danced like marionettes to mathematically calculable laws:1 Where now, as our wise men say, only a soulless ball of fire rotates, Helios in quiet majesty once guided his golden chariot.

Oreads filled these heights. A Dryad lived in every tree. From the urns of lovely Najads sprang the silver foam of streams. Like the dead stroke of the pendulum, Naturebereft of godsslavishly serves the law of gravity. Historian John Reddick finds a partial answer to these questions in the political situation in Germany at the turn of the nineteenth century. Germany, in sharp contrast to France or England, lived under autocratic rule and in fragmented fiefdoms; it did not know itself as a unified political, social, or cultural entity, but rather only as "a multiplicity of state and stateletsthe atomization and attendant backwardness of particularism.

Seizing on the idealist potential lurking inside the cracks pried open by Immanuel Kant's critique of pure reason, "the mind as the giver of meaning, as the creator in a certain sense, of the knowable world [was]. The natural philosophers called themselves children of Kant, even though they went in directions that would have horrified the Konigsberg philosopher. But Kant had provided early-nineteenth-century opponents of Newton's clockwork universe with another resource; one rooted not in the Critique of Pure Reason, but in the Critique of Judgment. There Kant had insisted that the innate reasoning categories of mechanistic causality that humans appropriately bring to their analysis of nonliving reality were incapable of doing justice to the activities of the living realm.

To make sense of life as a phenomenon, human judgment was forced to postulate, at least for heuristic purposes, an additional principle of Ideological causality that Kant called "natural purpose" Naturzwecke. And it was this assertion that first suggested to Johann Wolfgang von Goethe the possibility that a science of life could be created in which "the products of nature and art [were] treated one as the other, aesthetic and teleological judgment mutually illuminating each other.

In contrast to the meaningless fragmentation of Newton's universe, Goethe had imagined a rich and colorful world8 shaped by aesthetic principles of order and patterning. The whole messy diversity of visible nature, he thought, could in fact be shown to be a product of a small number of fundamental forms or Gestalten. By observing and comparing the various metamorphoses of one or another form, he felt that the original or primal form of the type in question could be deduced using the pure judgments of the mind, in a manner akin to seeing the "form" of something in Plato's philosophy. Thus, flowers were to be understood as modified leaves.

To decompose nature into its primal forms was an aesthetic revelation, but to then understand how those same primal forms metamorphosed into ever more complex forms was a revelation of the teleological principles operating in living nature as a whole see figure 2 : In every living being, wefindthat those things which we call parts are inseparable from the Whole to such an extent, that they can only be conceived in and with the latter; and the parts can neither be the measure of the Whole, nor the Whole be the measure of the parts.

So [in turn] a circumscribed living being [an organic Whole] takes part in the Infinite [the all encompassing Whole]; it has something of infinity within itself.

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Dorothea Kuhn, vol. Although in one sense clearly an original, Goethe was also reflective of certain larger intellectual trends of his time. Timothy Lenoir has shown that actually a significant subset of early-nineteenth-century German biologists had chosen to ground themselves in the authority of Kant's Critique of Judgment and practiced a form of modified vitalism or "teleo-mechanism" Lenoir's term that assumed the working of innate principles of purposiveness within the organism. The focus was on understanding how an animal's parts functioned in terms of the needs of the integrated whole.

The foundations of this research program were laid down by morphologists like Johann Friedrich Blumenbach and Carl Friedrich Kielmeyer and later brought to maturity by embryologists Karl Ernst von Baer and Johannes Miiller. Both of these men. THE "HUMAN MACHINE emphatically rejected the purely speculative biologies of natural philosophy Fichte, Schelling, Hegel , but both were nevertheless emphatic about the need to posit the existence of special emergent vital principles in living organisms that could account for such holistic and purposive phenomena as development and differentiation.

By the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, this first antireductionist and teleological vision of organismic wholeness was coming under increasingly successful attack by a new generation of mechanistic scientists. Spearheaded by a closely knit group of self-identified "organic physicists"Hermann von Helmholtz, Emil Du Bois-Reymond, Ernst Briicke, and Karl Ludwig12this mechanistic offensive was driven by an intellectual holy grail: a vision of a science which had extended the causal-mechanistic mode of understanding to include living phenomena.

The realm of the organic was to be integrated wholly with the realm of the inorganic. Once this was accomplished, science could look forward to a future as a united enterprise guided by a single, universal set of principles. The most well-known expression of this faith was articulated in the youthful manifesto of the organic physicists, that read in part: 539o other forces than the common physical-chemical ones are active within the organism. In those cases which cannot be explained by these forces, one has either to find the specific way or form of their action by means of the physical mathematical method or to assume new forces equal in dignity to the chemical-physical forces inherent in matter, reducible to the force of attraction and repulsion.

An paper, "On the Mechanistic Interpretation of Life," by Germany's leading physician Rudolf Virchow proclaimed the message of the revolt against vitalism in terms that were loud and clear: "There is no spiritus rector, no life-spirit, water-spirit, or firespirit.

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Everywhere there is mechanistic process only, with the unbreakable necessity of cause and effect. A number of dramatic new scientific developments that followed in quick succession over the course of the s and s had invested the mechanistic cause with considerable plausibility, even as these developments were hardly the transparent milestones in the positive history of science that their proponents would later claim. Of these, the most important was the law of the conservation of energy, or first law of thermodynamics, associated in Germany with the work of Helmholtz17 although parts were independently developed by the German physician Julius Robert Mayer and the British physicist James Prescot Joule.

This in turn implied that such superficially diverse phenomena as electric-powered technology, human physiology, and even Newtonian laws of motion could all be understood according to the same principles. There was nothing special, nothing "extra" that was needed to understand life, including the life of human beings. As Rudolf Virchow stressed in "[T]he same kind of electrical process takes place in the nerve as in the telegraph line. It was to imagine them as fields of forces.

This revitalized metaphor would inspire new technologies and a great deal of productive work: Carl Ludwig's kymograph invented in measured cardiac contractions; Helmholtz's even more audacious myograph, invented in , measured the force and duration of a nerve's impulse and found it surprisingly slow. Emil Du Bois-Reymond's Investigations on Animal Electricity further argued the case for seeing electrical energy as the juice of life and soul.

Most impressive was its demonstration of the existence of independent electrical "currents" in the muscles and nerves; the same sort as Du Bois-Reymond stressed that was found in inorganic nature. When in Virchow compared processes in anii. He was also opening his audience up to the idea that humans were, after all, just "human motors" functioning according to principles found also in the factory. Perhaps, therefore, they could be expected to produce according to its standards. Thus, from the beginning, the identification of machine-like processes with natural forces was invested with larger social and economic stakes.

In turn, this blurring of the truths of scientific mechanism with the goals of industrialization would dramatically affect the ways in which later holistic critics of mechanism understood the legacy against which they were rebelling. The logic of the association implied that, to the extent that holists despised the instrumental, capitalistic values of industrial society, so much must they reject all mechanistic, atomistic approaches to visualizing problems in biology.

As historian Fritz Ringer has noted, many German intellectuals in the early twentieth century never really distinguished between the fact of industrialization and the attitudinal changes which they themselves identified with it.

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They linked commerce with commercialism, machines with mechanistic conceptions, and the new economic organization with rationalism and utilitarianism. Such a tendency not to distinguish clearly between levels of causality led many to behave as if "materialistic" philosophers had really caused millions of people to become gradually more covetous than they had been before.

In the mid-nineteenth century notwithstanding new developments in physics that would ultimately overturn this viewthe universe of Newton was still supposed, by most people, to be composed of homogeneous building blocks or atoms. Life was increasingly proclaimed as no different. Already in the early nineteenth century, the cell theory of German botanist Matthias Jakob Schleiden and German physiologist Theodor Schwann had established a basic framework for understanding life in terms of its "atoms. But within this locus it is mechanical matter that is activeactive according to physical and chemical laws.

Having now apparently transformed life into a machine composed of building blocks that obeyed strictly the laws of energy and motion, physiological reductionism still faced a final challenge. Mehr anzeigen. Britisches Englisch Amerikanisches Englisch additional voluntary contributions. Britisches Englisch Amerikanisches Englisch to do sth on a voluntary basis. Weniger anzeigen. In this sense, I would propose a voluntary commitment approach to transparency.

However, I consider that companies and governments have a duty to create the basic conditions for rational dialogue. In diesem Sinne schlage ich einen Ansatz der freiwilligen Selbstverpflichtung zu Transparenz vor. Local expertise, vital for networking and exploiting synergies with other measures, was also brought in through a voluntary advisory body made up of representatives from the relevant ministries, universities and larger NGOs.

Quality not quantity: www. Klasse statt Masse: www. Data protection As long as there is an option to input personal or business data email addresses, names, addresses within the Internet bid, the exposure of these data by the user must take place on an explicit voluntary basis. The voluntary commitments, which Costa Rica will publish at the next series of negotiations, have motivated key ministries such as the Ministry of Housing and Ministry of National Planning to integrate the climate policy into their structures.

A voluntary quality competition focusing on cleanliness and hygiene and on user-friendliness and patient waiting times is currently being introduced in the health centres. A process of scientific support and evaluation of the approach is currently being developed in cooperation with the University of Montreal. You have paid at least 60 months of compulsory contributions or voluntary contributions to the statutory retirement pension or have proof of expenditure on a claim to comparable benefits from an insurance or pension scheme or an insurance company periods out of work due to childcare or domestic care are duly taken into account.

During the last three years, you have not been sentenced to at least six months in prison or a young offenders institution for committing a deliberate offence or fined the equivalent of at least days' wages. SWLab www. Es ist ein Fehler aufgetreten. Bitte versuchen Sie es erneut. Vielen Dank! Die gesammelten Vokabeln werden unter "Vokabelliste" angezeigt. Wie finde ich die neuen Satzbeispiele? Es hielt uns am Leben : Humor im Holocaust []. It kept us alive. German Ostrower, Chaya. J5 O Available. Es waren ihrer sechs [].

Neumann, Alfred, E73 E8 Unknown. G45 B37 Available. The first soldier : Hitler as military leader []. Fritz, Stephen G. New Haven ; London : Yale University Press, [] Description Book — xvi, pages, 16 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations, maps ; 25 cm Summary A leading expert reexamines history to offer a stunningly original portrait of Hitler as a competent military commander and strategist After Germany's humiliating World War II defeat, numerous German generals published memoirs claiming that their country's brilliant military leadership had been undermined by the Fuhrer's erratic decision making.

The author of three highly acclaimed books on the era, Stephen Fritz upends this characterization of Hitler as an ill-informed fantasist and demonstrates the ways in which his strategy was coherent and even competent. But while his generals did sometimes object to Hitler's tactics and operational direction, they often made the same errors in judgment and were in agreement regarding larger strategic and political goals. A necessary volume for understanding the influence of World War I on Hitler's thinking, this work is also an eye-opening reappraisal of major events like the invasion of Russia and the battle for Normandy.

H5 F75 Unknown. Forced migration in the history of 20th century neuroscience and psychiatry : new perspectives []. Stahnisch and Gul Russell 1. Between resentment and aid: German and Austrian psychiatrist and neurologist refugees in Great Britain since Aleksandra Loewenau 3. Learning soft skills the hard way: Historiographical considerations on the cultural adjustment process of German-speaking emigre neuroscientists in Canada, to Frank W. Stahnisch 5. Stahnisch Commentary 7. Of particular interest is how the long-term migration of scientists and physicians has affected both the academic migrants and their receiving environments.

As well as the clash between two different traditions and systems, this migration forced scientists and physicians to confront foreign institutional, political, and cultural frameworks when trying to establish their own ways of knowledge generation, systems of logic, and cultural mentalities. The twentieth century has been called the century of war and forced-migration, since it witnessed two devastating world wars, prompting a massive exodus that included many neuroscientists and psychiatrists.

Fascism in Italy and Spain beginning in the s, Nazism in Germany and Austria between the s and s, and the impact of the Soviet occupation of Eastern Europe all forced more than two thousand researchers with prior education in neurology, psychiatry, and the basic brain research disciplines to leave their scientific and academic home institutions.

This edited volume, comprising of eight chapters written by international specialists, reflects on the complex dimensions of intellectual migration in the neurosciences and illustrates them by using relevant case studies, biographies, and historical surveys. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of the History of the Neurosciences. G3 F67 Unknown. Hardtwig, Wolfgang, author. H H37 Available. Genocidal empires : German colonialism in Africa and the Third Reich [].

Bachmann, Klaus, author. Can this be considered the first genocide of the 20th century? This book provides the answer. Based on extensive archival and library research in Tansania, Namibia, South Africa, Germany and Poland as well as on the most recent and up-to-date jurisprudence of international criminal tribunals, the renowned historian and political scientist Klaus Bachmann paints a new and surprising picture of the events and their legal significance, which many will find disturbing and provocative.

It abolishes many well-established interpretations about German colonialism and its alleged links with the Third Reich and provides a new and intriguing contribution to the current post-colonial debate. B33 Unknown. Georg Gothein : Aufstieg und Niedergang des deutschen Linksliberalismus []. Kramp, Andrea, author. G68 K73 Unknown. Get things moving! Lee, Mordecai, author. The OEM went on to house many prewar and wartime agencies created to manage the country's arms production build-up and economic mobilization. After WWII a consensus by historians quickly gelled that OEM was unimportant, viewing it as a mere administrative holding company and legalistic convenience for the emergency agencies.

Drawing upon largely unexamined archival sources, including the Roosevelt and Truman Presidential Libraries and the National Archives, Lee gives a precise account of what Coy actually did and, contrary to the conventional wisdom, concludes he was an important senior leader in the Roosevelt White House, engaging in management, policy, and politics. L Unknown. Gewalt im November : die "Reichskristallnacht" : Initial zum Holocaust [].

Benz, Wolfgang, author. B Available. Hannah von Bredow : Bismarcks furchtlose Enkelin gegen Hitler []. B M63 Available. Hagemann, Albrecht author. R33 H34 Available. Hildesheim : Gerstenberg, [] Description Book — pages : illustrations some color ; 23 cm. G3 J87 Available. Hart, Bradley W. Description Book — pages, 8 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations ; 25 cm Summary Americans who remember World War II reminisce about how it brought the country together. The less popular truth behind this warm nostalgia: until the attack on Pearl Harbor, America was deeply, dangerously divided.

Hitler's American Friends exposes the homegrown antagonists who sought to protect and promote Hitler, leave Europeans and especially European Jews to fend for themselves, and elevate the Nazi regime. Some of these friends were Americans of German heritage who joined the Bund, whose leadership dreamed of installing a stateside Fuhrer. Some were as bizarre and hair-raising as the Silver Shirt Legion, run by an eccentric who claimed that Hitler fulfilled a religious prophecy. Some were Midwestern Catholics like Father Charles Coughlin, an early right-wing radio star who broadcast anti-Semitic tirades.

They were even members of Congress who used their franking privilege - sending mail at cost to American taxpayers - to distribute German propaganda. We try to tell ourselves it couldn't happen here, but Americans are not immune to the lure of fascism. Hitler's American Friends is a powerful look at how the forces of evil manipulate ordinary people, how we stepped back from the ledge, and the disturbing ease with which we could return to it.

H35 Unknown. Hitler's executioner : judge, jury and mass murderer for the Nazis []. English Ortner, Helmut, author. Though little known, the name of the judge Roland Freisler is inextricably linked to the judiciary in Nazi Germany. As well as serving as the State Secretary of the Reich Ministry of Justice, he was the notorious president of the People s Court , a man directly responsible for more than 2, death sentences; with almost no exceptions, cases in the People s Court had predetermined guilty verdicts.

Along with Christoph Probst, Sophie and Hans Scholl were arrested for their part in an anonymous leaflet and graffiti campaign which called for active opposition against the Nazi regime. Found guilty of treason, Freisler sentenced the trio to death by beheading; a sentence carried out the same day by guillotine. In August , Freisler played a central role in the show trials that followed the failed attempt to assassinate Adolf Hitler on 20 July that year a plot known more commonly as Operation Valkyrie. Many of the ringleaders were tried by Freisler in the People s Court. The proceedings were filmed, the intention being to use the images as propaganda in newsreels.

Freisler could be seen alternating between clinical interrogations of the defendants through to his yelling of personalized and theatrically enraged abuse at them from the bench. Nearly all of those found guilty were sentenced to death by hanging, the sentences being carried out within two hours of the verdicts being passed. Roland Freisler s mastery of legal texts and dramatic court-room verbal dexterity made him the most feared judge in the Third Reich. In this in-depth examination, Helmut Ortner not only investigates the development and judgments of the Nazi tribunal, but the career of Freisler, a man who was killed in February during an Allied air raid.

F73 O Unknown. Koop, Volker, author. K66 Unknown. Hitler's Hollywood []. Sound: digital; optical; surround; Dolby digital 5. Video: NTSC. Digital: video file; DVD video; region 1. Summary Narrated by Udo Kier, the film asks what the Nazi cinema of the Third Reich reveals about its period and its people.

About 1, feature films were made in Germany in the years between musicals, melodramas, romances, costume dramas, and war films. Only a few were overtly Nazi propaganda films. But by the same token, even fewer of them can be considered harmless entertainment. How did the open lies and hidden truths in these films affect the future of German cinema? The improbable Wendell Willkie : the businessman who saved the Republican Party and his country, and conceived a new world order []. Lewis, David Levering, author. FDR: the politics of business, the business of politics political science and serendipity The Philadelphia story Saving the GOP to save freedom Pas de deux: Willkie and Roosevelt Exceptionalism at work One world or nothing not this time.

In the wake of one of the most tumultuous Republican conventions ever, the party of Lincoln nominated in a prominent businessman and former Democrat who could have saved America's sclerotic political system. Although Wendell Lewis Willkie would lose to FDR, acclaimed biographer David Levering Lewis demonstrates that the corporate chairman-turned-presidential candidate must be regarded as one of the most exciting, intellectually able, and authentically transformational figures to stride the twentieth-century American political landscape.

Born in Elwood, Indiana, in , Willkie was certainly one of the most unexpected, if not unlikely, candidates for the presidency, only somewhat less unlikely than Barack Hussein Obama. Although previously marginalized by journalists like Theodore H. White and David Halberstam as a political invention of rich newspaper publishers, the Willkie who emerges here is a man governed by principles who seldom allowed rigid categories to stand in his way. Even as a young man, he quickly distinguished himself as a reform-minded lawyer, whose farm-boy haircut, hayseed manners, and sartorial indifference bespoke common-man straightforwardness but concealed an ambition that propelled him at forty to chairman of Commonwealth and Southern, the country's third-largest private utility holding company.

It was Willkie's vehement opposition to government regulation of the free-market economy and his success in wrenching a fabulous monetary settlement from the Tennessee Valley Authority that attracted the attention of Republican leaders, who, like Willkie, felt that FDR was turning the office into an imperial presidency. Successful at outwitting the isolationist wing of his own party, Willkie took on Roosevelt during one of the nation's darkest periods, creating an unlikely alliance of supporters, including anti-big-government business leaders and black voters, who rightly felt excluded from New Deal benefits.

Despite receiving the largest percentage of Republican votes in a generation, Willkie lost but, in the process, proposed sweeping civil rights reform a full generation before the civil rights era and a progressive "new conception of the world" that remains inspirational at a time when our own national belief system has become alarmingly immoral and rudderless. Rather than continue a political battle that could have weakened the nation during its darkest hour, a defeated Willkie reconciled with the president and embraced the war effort, while writing One World, a visionary credo that hoped to instigate an international movement for the betterment of the world's people.

In rejecting America's penchant for exceptionalism, Willkie championed this internationalism more passionately than any American politician before him, creating a sovereign philosophy of liberalism that balanced free enterprise with social responsibility. His untimely death at fifty-two in left this prophetic vision tragically stillborn. W7 L48 Unknown. P78 P84 Available. Konzentrationslager Sachsenburg []. Dresden : Sandstein Verlag, [] Description Book — pages : illustrations ; 23 cm. S23 K65 Available. The law of blood : thinking and acting as a Nazi []. Loi du sang. English Chapoutot, Johann, author.

Description Book — pages ; 25 cm Summary Introduction Origins : nature, essence, genesis Alienation : acculturation and denaturing Restoration : renaissance "All life is struggle" The war within : fighting the Volksfremde The war outside : "harshness makes the future kind" The international order of Westphalia and Versailles : Finis Germaniae The Reich and the colonization of the European east The millennium as frontier Conclusion. The scale and the depth of Nazi brutality seem to defy understanding. What could drive people to fight, kill, and destroy with such ruthless ambition?

Observers and historians have offered countless explanations since the s. According to Johann Chapoutot, we need to understand better how the Nazis explained it themselves. We need a clearer view, in particular, of how they were steeped in and spread the idea that history gave them no choice: it was either kill or die. Chapoutot, one of France's leading historians, spent years immersing himself in the texts and images that reflected and shaped the mental world of Nazi ideologues, and that the Nazis disseminated to the German public.

The party had no official ur-text of ideology, values, and history. But a clear narrative emerges from the myriad works of intellectuals, apparatchiks, journalists, and movie-makers that Chapoutot explores. The story went like this: In the ancient world, the Nordic-German race lived in harmony with the laws of nature. But since Late Antiquity, corrupt foreign norms and values--Jewish values in particular--had alienated Germany from itself and from all that was natural.

The time had come, under the Nazis, to return to the fundamental law of blood. Germany must fight, conquer, and procreate, or perish. History did not concern itself with right and wrong, only brute necessity. A remarkable work of scholarship and insight, The Law of Blood recreates the chilling ideas and outlook that would cost millions their lives. Description Book — pages ; 25 cm Summary Part I. Procreating: Origins: nature, essence, genesis Alienation: acculturation and denaturing Restoration: renaissance Part II. Lawyers without rights : the fate of Jewish lawyers in Berlin after [].

Anwalt ohne Recht. English Ladwig-Winters, Simone, author. Ferencz Jurisprudence in the Weimar Republic Exclusion after the seizure of power The fate of Jewish attorneys Biographical directory of Berlin attorneys of Jewish origin. Of those, 43 percent were of Jewish origin, the largest group of any city in Germany in This story was first told in German two decades ago and updated in The book includes more than 1, bios of lawyers in Berlin who could no longer practice law after because of their Jewish ancestry, and notes the fate of 1, of them.

The release coincides with the 80th anniversary of Kristallnacht, where on Nov. By then, German law had eliminated all but a few dozen Jewish legal 'consultants' from the profession. As this book indicates, hundreds subsequently died in concentration camps or committed suicide; others fled the Nazi regime emigrating across the world, including more than of them who eventually lived in the United States. A few, like Berlin lawyer Hanna Katz, a pioneer in the practice of law by women in Germany and whose career is detailed in this book, even earned U.

This release includes three significant additions—forewords from the Honorable Stephen G. Breyer, associate justice of the U. Supreme Court and one of three sitting Jewish justices; Benjamin B. Ferencz, the sole surviving prosecutor from the Nuremberg trials; and Ronald D. Abramson, a Jewish lawyer and philanthropist whose family foundation, the Anne and Ronald Abramson Family Foundation, provided support for this book. J49 L Unknown. Touratier, Jean-Marie, author.

Elle figure dans les programmes scolaires. Car il ne s'agit pas seulement d'une machine de guerre contre l'art contemporain et ses acteurs. N37 T69 Available. Roitsch, Bianca, author. G3 R Unknown. Sound: digital. Projection: fullscreen 1. Digital: video file. Summary Depicting the ravages of combat, the lives of soldiers engaged in battle, as well as those left behind on the home front, five of the films that Capra was involved in bringing to the screen are represented in this special edition presented in cooperation with the National Archives.

Nazi Germany as reflected in American caricatures : editorial cartoons by Pulitzer Prize winners []. Fischer, Heinz Dietrich, author, compiler. F48 Available. Nazi law : from Nuremberg to Nuremberg []. A distinguished group of scholars from Germany, Israel and right across the United States are brought together in Nazi Law to investigate the ways in which Hitler and the Nazis used the law as a weapon, mainly against the Jews, to establish and progress their master plan for German society.

The book looks at how, after assuming power in , the Nazi Party manipulated the legal system and the constitution in its crusade against Communists, Jews, homosexuals, as well as Jehovah's Witnesses and other religious and racial minorities, resulting in World War II and the Holocaust.

It then goes on to analyse how the law was subsequently used by the opponents of Nazism in the wake of World War Two to punish them in the war crime trials at Nuremberg. This is a valuable edited collection of interest to all scholars and students interested in Nazi Germany and the Holocaust. N39 Unknown. Yolak, Reneta Sibel, author. Y Available. Ashdown, Paddy, author. Description Book — xxxv, pages, 16 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations, maps ; 24 cm Summary From bestselling and prize-winning author Paddy Ashdown, a revelatory new history of German opposition to Hitler. He unearths little known stories and places them in context with great dexterity.

His new book throws fresh and important light on a crucial topic. In part, he was right. By , his armies were being crushed on all fronts, his regime collapsing with many fleeing retribution for their crimes. Yet, even before the war started, there were Germans very high in Hitler's command committed to bringing about his death and defeat. Paddy Ashdown tells, for the first time, the story of those at the very top of Hitler's Germany who tried first to prevent the Second World War and then to deny Hitler victory. Based on newly released files, the repeated attempts of the plotters to warn the Allies about Hitler's plans are revealed.

From onwards, concerted efforts were made to strike a separate peace with the West to shorten the war and prevent eastern Europe falling under the Soviet yoke. What is revealed is that the anti-Hitler bomb plots, which have received so much attention are, in fact only a small part of a much wider story; one in which those at the highest levels of the German state used every means possible - conspiracy, assassination, espionage - to ensure that, for the sake of the long-term reputation of their country and the survival of liberal and democratic values, Hitler could not be allowed to win the war.

It is a matter of record that the European Union we have today and the nature and central position of Germany within it, is, in very large measure, the future envisaged by the plotters and for which they gave their lives. A Available. Nietzsche und die Konservative Revolution []. N54 Unknown. Montesinos Gilbert, Toni, author. V53 M66 Available. Die Nordische Bewegung in der Weimarer Republik []. Breuer, Stefan, author. Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz Verlag, Description Book — pages ; 24 cm.

Lehmann, Max R. B74 Available. Otto Skorzeny : the devil's disciple []. Smith, Stuart, author. Oxford, UK : Osprey Publishing, Skorzeny's influence on special operations doctrine was far-reaching and long-lasting - in , when US Navy SEALs infiltrated Pakistan to eliminate Osama Bin Laden, the operational planning was influenced by Skorzeny's legacy.

Yet he was also an egoist who stole other men's credit including for the seminal rescue of Mussolini , brave and resourceful but also an unrepentant Nazi and a self-aggrandizing hogger of the limelight. Stuart Smith draws on years of in-depth research to uncover the truth about Skorzeny's career and complex personality. From his background as a student radical in Vienna, to his bloody service with the Waffen-SS on the Eastern Front, his surprise rebirth as a commando, and his intriguing post-war career and mysterious fortune, this book tells Otto Skorzeny's story in full - warts and all - for the first time.

S54 S65 Available. The Oxford illustrated history of the Third Reich []. Description Book — pages : illustrations some color , maps some color ; 26 cm. Summary At age thirty in , Adolf Hitler had no accomplishments. He was a rootless loner, a corporal in a shattered army, without money or prospects.

A little more than twenty years later, in autumn , he directed his dynamic forces against the Soviet Union, and in December, the Germans were at the gates of Moscow and Leningrad. At that moment, Hitler appeared - however briefly - to be the most powerful ruler on the planet. Given this dramatic turn of events, it is little wonder that since generations of historians keep trying to explain how it all happened.

This richly illustrated history provides a readable and fresh approach to the complex history of the Third Reich, from the coming to power of the Nazis in to the final collapse in Using photographs, paintings, propaganda images, and a host of other such materials from a wide range of sources, including official documents, cinema, and the photography of contemporary amateurs, foreigners, and the Allied armies, it distils our ideas about the period and provides a balanced and accessible account of the whole era.

O94 Unknown. Partiti e movimenti di massa : fascismo e nazionalsocialismo []. Mancini, Roberto, author. Roma : Pagine, [] Description Book — pages ; 21 cm. M Available. Political vocabularies : FDR, the clergy letters, and the elements of political argument []. Stuckey, Mary E. Summary Introduction By benefit of clergy : authoritative political vocabularies Witnessing politics : the depictive element of political vocabularies Revelations : naturalizing hierarchies in political vocabularies The American Eden : mythic elements of political vocabularies Making a city on a hill : political vocabularies and national policy.

S85 Unknown. Berlin : Be. Januar : P74 Available. Die Regierung Hitler. Band IX, []. R Unknown. The remnants of the Rechtsstaat : an ethnography of Nazi law []. Meierhenrich, Jens, author.

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This book is an intellectual history of Ernst Fraenkel's The Dual State , reissued , one of the most erudite books on the theory of dictatorship ever written. Fraenkel's was the first comprehensive analysis of the rise and nature of Nazism, and the only such analysis written from within Hitler's Germany. His sophisticated-not to mention courageous-analysis amounted to an ethnography of Nazi law. As a result of its clandestine origins, The Dual State has been hailed as the ultimate piece of intellectual resistance to the Nazi regime.

In this book, Jens Meierhenrich revives Fraenkel's innovative concept of "the dual state, " restoring it to its rightful place in the annals of public law scholarship. Blending insights from legal theory and legal history, he tells in an accessible manner the remarkable gestation of Fraenkel's ethnography of law from inside the belly of the behemoth. In addition to questioning the conventional wisdom about the law of the Third Reich, Meierhenrich explores the legal origins of dictatorship elsewhere, then and now.

The book sets the parameters for a theory of the "authoritarian rule of law, " a cutting edge topic in law and society scholarship with immediate policy implications. M Unknown. Rescue Board : the untold story of America's efforts to save the Jews of Europe [].